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十三、官兵關(guān)系
13. RELATIONS BETWEEN OFFICERS AND MEN
　　　　

我們的軍隊一向就有兩條方針：第一對敵人要狠，要壓倒它，要消滅它；第二對自己人、對人民、對同志、對官長、對部下要和，要團結(jié)。
　　Our army has always had two policies. First, we must be ruthless to our enemies, we must overpower and annihilate them. Second, we must be kind to our own, to the people, to our comrades and to our superiors and subordinates, and unite with them.

　　　　在中央招待留守兵團學習代表時的演說（一九四四年九月十八日），一九四四年九月二十三日延安《解放日報》
　　　　 "Speech at the reception given by the Central Committee of the Party for model study delegates from the Rear Army Detachments" (September 18, 1944).

我們都是來自五湖四海，為了一個共同的革命目標，走到一起來了�！�…我們的干部要關(guān)心每一個戰(zhàn)士，一切革命隊伍的人都要互相關(guān)心，互相愛護，互相幫助。
　　We hail from all corners of the country and have joined together for a common revolutionary objective.... Our cadres must show concern for every soldier, and all people in the revolutionary ranks must care for each other, must love and help each other.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零三——一零零四頁
　　　　"Serve the People" (September 8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 227-28.

應(yīng)在每一部隊內(nèi)部舉行擁干愛兵運動，號召干部愛護士兵，同時號召士兵擁護干部，彼此的缺點錯誤，公開講明，迅速糾正，這樣就能達到很好地團結(jié)內(nèi)部之目的。
　　A movement to support the cadres and cherish the soldiers should be launched in every army unit, calling on the cadres to cherish the soldiers and the soldiers to support the cadres. They should speak up about each other's shortcomings and mistakes and quickly correct them. In this way they will be able to achieve a very good internal unity.

　　　　《一九四五年的任務(wù)》（一九四四年十二月十五日），一九四四年十二月十六日延安《解放日報》
　　　　"The Tasks for 1945" (December15, 1944)

很多人對于官兵關(guān)系、軍民關(guān)系弄不好，以為是方法不對，我總告訴他們是根本態(tài)度（或根本宗旨）問題，這態(tài)度就是尊重士兵和尊重人民。從這態(tài)度出發(fā)，于是有各種的政策、方法、方式。離了這態(tài)度，政策、方法、方式也一定是錯的，官兵之間、軍民之間的關(guān)系便決然弄不好。軍隊政治工作的三大原則：第一是官兵一致，第二是軍民一致，第三是瓦解敵軍。這些原則要實行有效，都須從尊重士兵、尊重人民和尊重已經(jīng)放下武器的敵軍俘虜?shù)娜烁襁@種根本態(tài)度出發(fā)。那些認為不是根本態(tài)度問題而是技術(shù)問題的人，實在是想錯了，應(yīng)該加以改正才對。
　　Many people think that it is wrong methods that make for strained relations between officers and men and between the army and the people, but I always tell them that it is a question of basic attitude (or basic principle), of having respect for the soldiers and the people. It is from this attitude that the various policies, methods and forms ensue. If we depart from this attitude, then the policies, methods and forms will certainly be wrong, and the relations between officers and men and between the army and the people are bound to be unsatisfactory. Our three major principles for the army's political work are, first, unity between officers and men; second, unity between the army and the people; and third, the disintegration of the enemy forces. To apply these principles effectively, we must start with this basic attitude of respect for the soldiers and the people, and of respect for the human dignity of prisoners of war once they have laid down their arms. Those who take all this as a technical matter and not one of basic attitude are indeed wrong, and they should correct their view.

　　　　《論持久戰(zhàn)》（一九三八年五月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五零一頁
　　　　"On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 186-87.

共產(chǎn)黨人在勞動人民中間進行工作的時候必須采取民主的說服教育的方法，決不允許采取命令主義態(tài)度和強制手段。中國共產(chǎn)黨忠實地遵守馬克思列寧主義的這個原則。
　　Communists must use the democratic method of persuasion and education when working among the labouring people and must on no account resort to commandism or coercion. The Chinese Communist Party faithfully adheres to this Marxist-Leninist principle.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第八頁
　　　　"On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 15.*

我們的同志一定要懂得，思想改造的工作是長期的、耐心的、細致的工作，不能企圖上幾次課，開幾次會，就把人家在幾十年生活中間形成的思想意識改變過來。要人家服，只能說服，不能壓服。壓服的結(jié)果總是壓而不服。以力服人是不行的。對付敵人可以這樣，對付同志，對付朋友，絕不能用這個方法。
　　Our comrades must understand that ideological remoulding involves long-term, patient and painstaking work, and they must not attempt to change people's ideology, which has been shaped over decades of life, by giving a few lectures or by holding a few meetings. Persuasion, not compulsion, is the only way to convince them. Compulsion will never result in convincing them. To try to convince them by force simply won't work. This kind of method is permissible in dealing with the enemy, but absolutely impermissible in dealing with comrades or friends.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一七頁
　　　　"Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 23.

要分清敵我，不能站在敵對的立場用對待敵人的態(tài)度來對待同志。必須是滿腔熱情地用保護人民事業(yè)和提高人民覺悟的態(tài)度來說話，而不能用嘲笑和攻擊的態(tài)度來說話。
　　We must make a distinction between the enemy and ourselves, and we must not adopt an antagonistic stand towards comrades and treat them as we would the enemy. In speaking up, one must have an ardent desire to protect the cause of the people and raise their political consciousness, and there must be no ridiculing or attacking in one's approach.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一五——一六頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 20.*

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十四、軍民關(guān)系
14. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARMY AND THE PEOPLE
　　　　

軍隊須和民眾打成一片，使軍隊在民眾眼睛中看成是自己的軍隊，這個軍隊便無敵于天下，……
　　The army must become one with the people so that they see it as their own army. Such an army will be invincible....

　　　　《論持久戰(zhàn)》（一九三八年五月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五零一頁
　　　　 "On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186.

應(yīng)該使每一個同志懂得，只要我們依靠人民，堅決地相信人民群眾的創(chuàng)造力是無窮無盡的，因而信任人民，和人民打成一片，那就任何困難也能克服，任何敵人也不能壓倒我們，而只會被我們所壓倒。
　　Every comrade must be helped to understand that as long as we rely on the people, believe firmly in the inexhaustible creative power of the masses and hence trust and identify ourselves with them, we can surmount any difficulty, and no enemy can crush us while we can crush any enemy.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九七頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 316.*

我們的同志不論到什么地方，都要和群眾的關(guān)系搞好，要關(guān)心群眾，幫助他們解決困難。團結(jié)廣大人民，團結(jié)得越多越好。
　　Wherever our comrades go, they must build good relations with the masses, be concerned for them and help them overcome their difficulties. We must unite with the masses, the more of the masses we unite with, the better.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一六一頁
　　　　 "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 59.

在解放區(qū)，一方面，軍隊應(yīng)實行擁政愛民的工作，另一方面，民主政府應(yīng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人民實行擁軍優(yōu)抗的工作，更大地改善軍民關(guān)系。
　　The army in the Liberated Areas must support the government and cherish the people, while the democratic governments must lead the people in the work of supporting the army and giving preferential treatment to the families of soldiers fighting Japan. In this way relations between the army and the people will become still better.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九一頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 311.*

軍隊中應(yīng)當從每個指戰(zhàn)員的思想上解決問題，使他們徹底認識擁政愛民的重要性。只要軍隊方面做好了，地方對軍隊的關(guān)系必會跟著改善。
　　In the army the task of supporting the government and cherishing the people should be handled through the ideological education of every commander and fighter, so that they all thoroughly understand its importance. As long as the army on its part does this job well, the local government and the people will also improve their relations with the army.

　　　　《一九四六年解放區(qū)工作的方針》（一九四五年十二月十五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一七三頁
　　　　 "Policy for Work in the Liberated Areas for 1946" (December 15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 77.*

在擁政愛民和擁軍優(yōu)抗的運動[3]中，徹底檢查軍隊方面和黨政方面各自在一九四三年的缺點錯誤，而于一九四四年堅決改正之。以后應(yīng)于每年正月普遍舉行一次，再三再四地宣讀擁政愛民公約和擁軍優(yōu)抗公約，再三再四地將各根據(jù)地曾經(jīng)發(fā)生的軍隊欺壓黨政民和黨政民關(guān)心軍隊不足的缺點錯誤，實行公開的群眾性的自我批評（各方面只批評自己，不批評對方），而徹底改正之。
　　In the course of these campaigns[3], the army on its side and the Party and the government on theirs should thoroughly examine the shortcomings and mistakes of 1943, and should resolutely correct them in 1944. From now on, such campaigns should be launched everywhere in the first month of every lunar year, and in the course of them the pledges to "support the government and cherish the people" and "support the army and give preferential treatment to the families of soldiers fighting Japan" should be read out time and again, and there should be repeated self-criticism before the masses of any high-handed behaviour by the troops in the base areas towards the Party or government personnel or towards civilians, or of any lack of concern for the troops shown by the Party or government personnel or the civilians (each side criticizing itself and not the other) in order that these shortcomings and mistakes may be thoroughly corrected.

　　　　《開展根據(jù)地的減租、生產(chǎn)和擁政愛民運動》（一九四三年十月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九一六頁
　　　　 "Spread the Campaigns to Reduce Rent, Increase Production and 'Support the Government and Cherish the People' in the Base Areas" (October 1, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 135.*

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十五、三大民主
15. DEMOCRACY IN THE THREE MAIN FIELDS
　　　　

軍隊應(yīng)實行一定限度的民主化，主要地是廢除封建主義的打罵制度和官兵生活同甘苦。這樣一來，官兵一致的目的就達到了，軍隊就增加了絕大的戰(zhàn)斗力，長期的殘酷的戰(zhàn)爭就不患不能支持。
　　A proper measure of democracy should be put into effect in the army, chiefly by abolishing the feudal practice of bullying and beating and by having officers and men share weal and woe. Once this is done, unity will be achieved between officers and men, the combat effectiveness of the army will be greatly increased, and there will be no doubt of our ability to sustain the long, cruel war.

　　　　《論持久戰(zhàn)》（一九三八年五月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五零零——五零一頁
　　　　 "On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186.

紅軍的物質(zhì)生活如此菲薄，戰(zhàn)斗如此頻繁，仍能維持不敝，除黨的作用外，就是靠實行軍隊內(nèi)的民主主義。官長不打士兵，官兵待遇平等，士兵有開會說話的自由，廢除煩瑣的禮節(jié)，經(jīng)濟公開。……中國不但人民需要民主主義，軍隊也需要民主主義。軍隊內(nèi)的民主主義制度，將是破壞封建雇傭軍隊的一個重要的武器。
　　Apart from the role played by the Party, the reason why the Red Army has been able to carry on in spite of such poor material conditions and such frequent engagements is its practice of democracy. The officers do not beat the men; officers and men receive equal treatment; soldiers are free to hold meetings and to speak out; trivial formalities have been done away with; and the accounts are open for all to inspect.... In China the army needs democracy as much as the people do. Democracy in our army is an important weapon for undermining the feudal mercenary army.

　　　　《井岡山的斗爭》（一九二八年十一月二十五日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第六七——六八頁
　　　　"The Struggle in the Chingkang Mountains" (November 25, 1928), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 83.

部隊內(nèi)部政治工作方針，是放手發(fā)動士兵群眾、指揮員和一切工作人員，通過集中領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的民主運動，達到政治上高度團結(jié)、生活上獲得改善、軍事上提高技術(shù)和戰(zhàn)術(shù)的三大目的。目前在我軍部隊中熱烈進行的三查、三整，就是用政治民主、經(jīng)濟民主的方法，達到前兩項目的。
　 　關(guān)于經(jīng)濟民主，必須使士兵選出的代表有權(quán)協(xié)助（不是超過）連隊首長管理連隊的給養(yǎng)和伙食。

　　關(guān)于軍事民主，必須在練兵時實行官兵互教，兵兵互教；在作戰(zhàn)時，實行在火線上連隊開各種大、小會。在連隊首長指導(dǎo)下，發(fā)動士兵群眾討論如何攻克敵陣，如何完成戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)。在連續(xù)幾天的戰(zhàn)斗中，此種會應(yīng)開幾次。此項軍事民主，在陜北蟠龍戰(zhàn)役和晉察冀石家莊戰(zhàn)役中，都實行了，收到了極大效果。證明只有好處，毫無害處。
　　The policy for political work in our army units is fully to arouse the rank and file, the commanders and all working personnel in order to achieve three major objectives through a democratic movement under centralized leadership, namely, a high degree of political unity, better living conditions, and better military technique and tactics. The Three Check-ups and Three Improvements [4] now being enthusiastically carried out in our army units are intended to attain the first two of these objectives through the methods of political and economic democracy.
With regard to economic democracy, the representatives elected by the soldiers must be ensured the right to assist (but not to bypass) the company leadership in managing the company's supplies and mess.
With regard to military democracy, in periods of training there must be mutual instruction as between officers and soldiers and among the soldiers themselves; and in periods of fighting the companies at the front must hold big and small meetings of various kinds. Under the direction of the company leadership, the rank and file should be roused to discuss how to attack and capture enemy positions and how to fulfill other combat tasks. When the fighting lasts several days, several such meetings should be held. This kind of military democracy was practised with great success in the battle of Panlung in northern Shensi and in the battle of Shihchiachuang in the Shansi-Chahar-Hopei area. It has been proved that the practice can only do good and can do no harm whatsoever.

處在偉大斗爭面前的中國共產(chǎn)黨，要求整個黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)機關(guān)，全黨的黨員和干部，高度地發(fā)揮其積極性，才能取得勝利。所謂發(fā)揮積極性，必須具體地表現(xiàn)在領(lǐng)導(dǎo)機關(guān)、干部和黨員的創(chuàng)造能力，負責精神，工作的活躍，敢于和善于提出問題、發(fā)表意見、批評缺點，以及對于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)機關(guān)和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部從愛護觀點出發(fā)的監(jiān)督作用。沒有這些，所謂積極性就是空的。而這些積極性的發(fā)揮，有賴于黨內(nèi)生活的民主化。黨內(nèi)缺乏民主生活，發(fā)揮積極性的目的就不能達到。大批能干人材的創(chuàng)造，也只有在民主生活中才有可能。
　　In the present great struggle, the Chinese Communist Party demands that all its leading bodies and all its members and cadres should give the fullest expression to their initiative, which alone can ensure victory. This initiative must be demonstrated concretely in the ability of the leading bodies, the cadres and the Party rank and file to work creatively, in their readiness to assume responsibility, in the exuberant vigour they show in their work, in their courage and ability to raise questions, voice opinions and criticize defects, and in the comradely supervision that is maintained over the leading bodies and the leading cadres. Otherwise, "initiative" will be an empty thing. But the exercise of such initiative depends on the spread of democracy in Party life. It cannot be brought into play if there is not enough democracy in Party life. Only in an atmosphere of democracy can large numbers of able people be brought forward.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一七頁
　　　"The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 204.　

不論什么人，只要不是敵對分子，不是惡意攻擊，允許大家講話，講錯了也不要緊。各級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人員，有責任聽別人的話。實行兩條原則：（一）知無不言，言無不盡；（二）言者無罪，聞?wù)咦憬�。如果沒有“言者無罪”一條，并且是真的，不是假的，就不可能收到“知無不言，言無不盡”的效果。
　　Anyone should be allowed to speak out, whoever he may be, so long as he is not a hostile element and does not make malicious attacks, and it does not matter if he says something wrong. Leaders at all levels have the duty to listen to others. Two principles must be observed: (1) Say all you know and say it without reserve; (2) Don't blame the speaker but take his words as a warning. Unless the principle of "Don't blame the speaker" is observed genuinely and not falsely, the result will not be "Say all you know and say it without reserve".

　　　　《一九四五年的任務(wù)》（一九四四年十二月十五日），一九四四年十二月十六日延安《解放日報》
　　　　"The Tasks for 1945" (December 15, 1944).

必須在黨內(nèi)施行有關(guān)民主生活的教育，使黨員懂得什么是民主生活，什么是民主制和集中制的關(guān)系，并如何實行民主集中制。這樣才能做到：一方面，確實擴大黨內(nèi)的民主生活；又一方面，不至于走到極端民主化，走到破壞紀律的自由放任主義。
　　Education in democracy must be carried on within the Party so that members can understand the meaning of democratic life, the meaning of the relationship between democracy and centralism, and the way in which democratic centralism should be put into practice. Only in this way can we really extend democracy within the Party and at the same time avoid ultra-democracy and the laissez-faire which destroys discipline.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一七頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 205.*

無論在軍隊或在地方，黨內(nèi)民主都應(yīng)是為著鞏固紀律和增強戰(zhàn)斗力，而不是削弱這種紀律和戰(zhàn)斗力。
　　Both in the army and in the local organizations, inner-Party democracy is meant to strengthen discipline and increase combat effectiveness, not to weaken them.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一七——五一八頁
　　　　Ibid.

從理論上鏟除極端民主化的根苗。首先，要指出極端民主化的危險，在于損傷以至完全破壞黨的組織，削弱以至完全毀滅黨的戰(zhàn)斗力，使黨擔負不起斗爭的責任，由此造成革命的失敗。其次，要指出極端民主化的來源，在于小資產(chǎn)階級的自由散漫性。這種自由散漫性帶到黨內(nèi)，就成了政治上的和組織上的極端民主化的思想。這種思想是和無產(chǎn)階級的斗爭任務(wù)根本不相容的。
　　In the sphere of theory, destroy the roots of ultra-democracy. First, it should be pointed out that the danger of ultrademocracy lies in the fact that it damages or even completely wrecks the Party organization and weakens or even completely undermines the Party's fighting capacity, rendering the Party incapable of fulfilling its fighting tasks and thereby causing the defeat of the revolution. Next, it should be pointed out that the source of ultra-democracy consists in the petty bourgeoisie's individualistic aversion to discipline. When this characteristic is brought into the Party, it develops into ultra-democratic ideas politically and organizationally. These ideas are utterly incompatible with the fighting tasks of the proletariat.

　　　　《關(guān)于糾正黨內(nèi)的錯誤思想》（一九二九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第九一頁
　　　　 "On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party" (December 1929), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 108.

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十六、教育和訓練
16. EDUCATION AND THE TRAINING OF TROOPS
　　　　

我們的教育方針，應(yīng)該使受教育者在德育、智育、體育幾方面都得到發(fā)展，成為有社會主義覺悟的有文化的勞動者。
　　Our educational policy must enable everyone who receives an education to develop morally, intellectually and physically and become a worker with both socialist consciousness and culture.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第二三頁
　　　　"On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1959), 1st pocket ed., p. 44.

對于在職干部的教育和干部學校的教育，應(yīng)確立以研究中國革命實際問題為中心，以馬克思列寧主義基本原則為指導(dǎo)的方針，廢除靜止地孤立地研究馬克思列寧主義的方法。
　　As for education for cadres whether at work or in schools for cadres, a policy should be established of focusing such education on the study of the practical problems of the Chinese revolution and using the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism as the guide, and the method of studying Marxism-Leninism statically and in isolation should be discarded.

　　　　《改造我們的學習》（一九四一年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八零三頁
　　　　"Reform Our Study" (May 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 24.

一個軍事學校，最重要的問題，是選擇校長教員和規(guī)定教育方針。
　　For a military school, the most important question is the selection of a director and instructors and the adoption of an educational policy.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一七零頁
　　　　 "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 185.*

一個百人的學校，如果沒有一個從教員中、職員中、學生中按照實際形成的（不是勉強湊集的）最積極最正派最機敏的幾個人乃至十幾個人的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)骨干，這個學校就一定辦不好。
　　A school of a hundred people certainly cannot be run well if it does not have a leading group of several people, or a dozen or more, which is formed in accordance with the actual circumstances (and not thrown together artificially) and is composed of the most active, upright and alert of the teachers, the other staff and the students.

　　　　《關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法的若干問題》（一九四三年六月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九零一頁
　　　　"Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership" (June 1, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 118-l9.

我全軍將士必須提高軍事藝術(shù)，在必勝的戰(zhàn)爭中勇猛前進，堅決徹底干凈全部地殲滅一切敵人。
　　All officers and fighters of our army must improve their military art, march forward courageously towards certain victory in the war and resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely wipe out all enemies.

　　　　《中國人民解放軍宣言》（一九四七年十月），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二三九頁
　　　　 "Manifesto of the Chinese People's Liberation Army" (October 1947), Selected Military Writings, 2nd ed., p. 340.

目前開始的一年整訓計劃，軍事整訓與政治整訓應(yīng)該并重，并使二者互相結(jié)合。整訓開始時，還應(yīng)著重政治方面，著重于改善官兵關(guān)系，增強內(nèi)部團結(jié)，發(fā)動干部與戰(zhàn)士群眾的高度積極性，軍事整訓才易于實施與更有效果。
　　Equal importance should be attached to the military and political aspects of the one-year consolidation and training programme which has just begun, and the two aspects should be integrated. At the start, stress should be placed on the political aspect, on improving relations between officers and men, enhancing internal unity and arousing a high level of enthusiasm among the masses of cadres and fighters. Only thus will the military consolidation and training proceed smoothly and attain better results.

　　　　《一九四五年的任務(wù)》（一九四四年十二月十五日），一九四四年十二月十六日延安《解放日報》
　　　　"The Tasks for 1945" (December 15, 1944).

練兵方法，應(yīng)開展官教兵、兵教官、兵教兵的群眾練兵運動。
　　As for the method of training, we should unfold the mass training movement in which officers teach soldiers, soldiers teach officers and the soldiers teach each other.

　　　　《一九四六年解放區(qū)工作的方針》（一九四五年十二月十五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一七二頁
　　　　"Policy for Work in the Liberated Areas for 1946" (December 15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 76.

我們練兵的口號是：“官教兵，兵教官，兵教兵�！睉�(zhàn)士們有很多打仗的實際經(jīng)驗。當官的要向戰(zhàn)士學習，把別人的經(jīng)驗變成自己的，他的本領(lǐng)就大了。
　　Our slogan in training troops is, "Officers teach soldiers, soldiers teach officers and soldiers teach each other". The fighters have a lot of practical combat experience. The officers should learn from the fighters, and when they have made other people's experience their own, they will become more capable.

　　　　《對晉綏日報編輯人員的談話》（一九四九年四月二日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一三一九頁
　　　　 "A Talk to the Editorial Staff of the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" (April 2, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 243.

練兵項目，仍以提高射擊、刺殺、投彈等項技術(shù)程度為主，提高戰(zhàn)術(shù)程度為輔，特別著重于練習夜戰(zhàn)。
　　As for the training courses, the main objective should still be to raise the level of technique in marksmanship, bayoneting grenade-throwing and the like and the secondary objective should be to raise the level of tactics, while special emphasis should be laid on night operations.

　　　　《一九四六年解放區(qū)工作的方針政策》（一九四五年十二月十五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一七二頁
　　　　 "Policy for Work in the Liberated Areas for 1946" (December 15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 76.*

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十七、為人民服務(wù)
17. SERVING THE PEOPLE
　　　　

我們應(yīng)該謙虛。謹慎，戒驕，戒躁，全心全意地為人民服務(wù)，……
　　We should be modest and prudent, guard against arrogance and rashness, and serve the Chinese people heart and soul....

　　　　《兩個中國之命運》（一九四五年四月二十三日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零二八頁
　　　　"China's Two Possible Destinies" (April 23, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III p. 253.

全心全意地為人民服務(wù)，一刻也不脫離群眾；一切從人民的利益出發(fā)，而不是從個人或小集團的利益出發(fā)；向人民負責和向黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)機關(guān)負責的一致性；這些就是我們的出發(fā)點。
　　Our point of departure is to serve the people whole-heartedly and never for a moment divorce ourselves from the masses, to proceed in all cases from the interests of the people and not from one's self-interest or from the interests of a small group, and to identify our responsibility to the people with our responsibility to the leading organs of the Party.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九五——一零九六頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 315.*

國家機關(guān)實行民主集中制，國家機關(guān)必須依靠人民群眾，國家機關(guān)工作人員必須為人民服務(wù)。
　　The organs of state must practise democratic centralism, they must rely on the masses and their personnel must serve the people.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第四頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 8.*

白求恩同志毫不利己專門利人的精神，表現(xiàn)在他對工作的極端的負責任，對同志對人民的極端的熱忱。每個共產(chǎn)黨員都要學習他。
　　……
　　我們大家要學習他毫無自私自利之心的精神。從這點出發(fā)，就可以變?yōu)榇笥欣�于人民的人。一個人能力有大小，但只要有這點精神，就是一個高尚的人，一個純粹的人，一個有道德的人，一個脫離了低級趣味的人，一個有益于人民的人。
　　Comrade Bethune's spirit, his utter devotion to others without any thought of self, was shown in his boundless sense of responsibility in his work and his boundless warm-heartedness towards all comrades and the people. Every Communist must learn from him. We must all learn the spirit of absolute selflessness from him. With this spirit everyone can be very useful to the people. A man's ability may be great or small, but if he has this spirit, he is already noble-minded and pure, a man of moral integrity and above vulgar interests, a man who is of value to the people.

　　　　《紀念白求恩》（一九三九年十二月二十一日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六五三——六五四頁
　　　　"In Memory of Norman Bethune" (December 21, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 337-38.*

我們的共產(chǎn)黨和共產(chǎn)黨所領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的八路軍、新四軍，是革命的隊伍。我們這個隊伍完全是為著解放人民的，是徹底地為人民的利益工作的。
　　Our Communist Party and the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies led by our Party are battalions of the revolution. These battalions of ours are wholly dedicated to the liberation of the people and work entirely in the people's interests.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零三頁
　　　　"Serve the People" (September 8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 227.

我們一切工作干部，不論職位高低，都是人民的勤務(wù)員，我們所做的一切，都是為人民服務(wù)，我們有些什么不好的東西舍不得丟掉呢？
　　All our cadres, whatever their rank, are servants of the people, and whatever we do is to serve the people. How then can we be reluctant to discard any of our bad traits?

　　　　《一九四五年的任務(wù)》（一九四四年十二月十五日），一九四四年十二月十六日延安《解放日報》
　　　　"The Tasks for 1945" (December 15, 1944).

我們的責任，是向人民負責，每句話，每個行動，每項政策，都要適合人民的利益，如果有了錯誤，定要改正，這就叫向人民負責。
　　Our duty is to hold ourselves responsible to the people. Every word, every act and every policy must conform to the people's interests, and if mistakes occur, they must be corrected - that is what being responsible to the people means.

　　　　《抗日戰(zhàn)爭后的時局和我們的方針》（一九四五年八月十三日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一二八頁
　　　　"The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 16.

要奮斗就會有犧牲，死人的事是經(jīng)常發(fā)生的。但是我們想到人民的利益，想到大多數(shù)人民的痛苦，我們?yōu)槿嗣穸�死，就是死得其所。不過，我們應(yīng)當盡量地減少那些不必要的犧牲。
　　Wherever there is struggle there is sacrifice, and death is a common occurrence. But we have the interests of the people and the sufferings of the great majority at heart, and when we die for the people it is a worthy death. Nevertheless, we should do our best to avoid unnecessary sacrifices.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零四頁
　　　　"Serve the People" (September 8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 228.

人總是要死的，但死的意義有不同。中國古時候有個文學家叫做司馬遷的說過：“人固有一死，或重于泰山，或輕于鴻毛。”為人民利益而死，就比泰山還重；替法西斯賣力，替剝削人民和壓迫人民的人去死，就比鴻毛還輕。
　　All men must die, but death can vary in its significance. The ancient Chinese writer Szuma Chien said, "Though death befalls all men alike, it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather." To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 227.*

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十八、愛國主義和國際主義
18. PATRIOTISM AND INTERNATIONALISM
　　　

國際主義者的共產(chǎn)黨員，是否可以同時又是一個愛國主義者呢？我們認為不但是可以的，而且是應(yīng)該的。愛國主義的具體內(nèi)容，看在什么樣的歷史條件之下來決定。有日本侵略者和希特勒的“愛國主義”，有我們的愛國主義。對于日本侵略者和希特勒的所謂“愛國主義”，共產(chǎn)黨員是必須堅決地反對的。日本共產(chǎn)黨人和德國共產(chǎn)黨人都是他們國家的戰(zhàn)爭的失敗主義者。用一切方法使日本侵略者和希特勒的戰(zhàn)爭歸于失敗，就是日本人民和德國人民的利益；失敗得越徹底，就越好�！�…這是因為日本侵略者和希特勒的戰(zhàn)爭，不但是損害世界人民的，也是損害其本國人民的。中國的情況則不同，中國是被侵略的國家。因此，中國共產(chǎn)黨人必須將愛國主義和國際主義結(jié)合起來。我們是國際主義者，我們又是愛國主義者，我們的口號是為保衛(wèi)祖國反對侵略者而戰(zhàn)。對于我們，失敗主義是罪惡，爭取抗日勝利是責無旁貸的。因為只有為著保衛(wèi)祖國而戰(zhàn)才能打敗侵略者，使民族得到解放。只有民族得到解放，才有使無產(chǎn)階級和勞動人民得到解放的可能。中國勝利了，侵略中國的帝國主義者被打倒了，同時也就是幫助了外國的人民。因此，愛國主義就是國際主義在民族解放戰(zhàn)爭中的實施。
　　Can a Communist, who is an internationalist, at the same time be a patriot? We hold that he not only can be but must be. The specific content of patriotism is determined by historical conditions. There is the "patriotism" of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler, and there is our patriotism. Communists must resolutely oppose the "patriotism" of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler. The Communists of Japan and Germany are defeatists with regard to the wars being waged by their countries. To bring about the defeat of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler by every possible means is in the interests of the Japanese and the German people, and the more complete the defeat the better.... For the wars launched by the Japanese aggressors and Hitler are harming the people at home as well as the people of the world. China's case, however, is different, because she is the victim of aggression. Chinese Communists must therefore combine patriotism with internationalism. We are at once internationalists and patriots, and our slogan is, "Fight to defend the motherland against the aggressors." For us defeatism is a crime and to strive for victory in the War of Resistance is an inescapable duty. For only by fighting in defence of the motherland can we defeat the aggressors and achieve national liberation. And only by achieving national liberation will it be possible for the proletariat and other working people to achieve their own emancipation. The victory of China and the defeat of the invading imperialists will help the people of other countries. Thus in wars of national liberation patriotism is applied internationalism.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五零八——五零九頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 196.*

一個外國人，毫無利已的動機，把中國人民的解放事業(yè)當作他自己的事業(yè)，這是什么精神？這是國際主義的精神，這是共產(chǎn)主義的精神，每一個中國共產(chǎn)黨員都要學習這種精神。……我們要和一切資本主義國家的無產(chǎn)階級聯(lián)合起來，要和日本的、英國的、美國的、德國的、意大利的以及一切資本主義國家的無產(chǎn)階級聯(lián)合起來，才能打倒帝國主義，解放我們的民族和人民，解放世界的民族和人民。這就是我們的國際主義，這就是我們用以反對狹隘民族主義和狹隘愛國主義的國際主義。
　　What kind of spirit is this that makes a foreigner selflessly adopt the cause of the Chinese people's liberation as his own? It is the spirit of internationalism, the spirit of communism, from which every Chinese Communist must learn.... We must unite with the proletariat of all the capitalist countries, with the proletariat of Japan, Britain, the United States, Germany, Italy and all other capitalist countries, before it is possible to overthrow imperialism, to liberate our nation and people, and to liberate the other nations and peoples of the world. This is our internationalism, the internationalism with which we oppose both narrow nationalism and narrow patriotism.

　　　　《紀念白求恩》（一九三九年十二月二十一日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六五三頁
　　　　"In Memory of Norman Bethune" (December 21, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 337.*

被壓迫人民爭取徹底的解放，首先是依靠自己的斗爭，其次才是國際的援助。已經(jīng)獲得革命勝利的人民，應(yīng)該援助正在爭取解放的人民的斗爭，這是我們的國際主義的義務(wù)。
　　In the fight for complete liberation the oppressed people rely first of all on their own struggle and then, and only then, on international assistance. The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty.

　　　　接見非洲朋友時的談話《一九六三年八月八日》，一九六三年八月九日《人民日報》
　　　　"Talk with African friends" (August 8, 1963).

社會主義國家是完全新型的國家，是推翻了剝削階級而由勞動人民掌握權(quán)力的國家。在這些國家間的相互關(guān)系中，實現(xiàn)著國際主義和愛國主義相統(tǒng)一的原則。共同的利益和共同的理想把我們緊緊地聯(lián)結(jié)在一起。
　　The socialist countries are states of an entirely new type in which the exploiting classes have been overthrown and the working people are in power. The principle of integrating internationalism with patriotism is practised in the relations between these countries. We are closely bound by common interests and common ideals.

　　　　《在蘇聯(lián)最高蘇維埃慶祝偉大的十月社會主義革命四十周年會議上的講話》（一九五七年十一月六日），人民出版社版第九——十零頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957).

社會主義陣營各國人民要聯(lián)合起來，亞洲、非洲、拉丁美洲各國人民要聯(lián)合起來，全世界各大洲的人民要聯(lián)合起來，所有愛好和平的國家要聯(lián)合起來，所有受到美國侵略、控制、干涉和欺負的國家要聯(lián)合起來，結(jié)成最廣泛的統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線，反對美帝國主義的侵略政策和戰(zhàn)爭政策，保衛(wèi)世界和平。
　　The people of the countries in the socialist camp should unite, the people of the countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America should unite, the people of all the continents should unite, all peace-loving countries should unite, and all countries subjected to U.S. aggression, control, intervention or bullying should unite, and so form the broadest united front to oppose the U.S. imperialist policies of aggression and war and to defend world peace.

　　　　《支持巴拿馬人民反美愛國正義斗爭的談話》（一九六四年一月十二日），《全世界人民團結(jié)起來打敗美國侵略者及其一切走狗》人民出版社版第九頁
　　　　"Statement Supporting the Panamanian People's Just Patriotic Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism" (January 12, 1964), People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 9.

事物總是發(fā)展的。一九一一年的革命，即辛亥革命，到今年，不過四十五年，中國的面目完全變了。再過四十五年，就是二千零一年，也就是進到二十一世紀的時候，中國的面目更要大變。中國將變?yōu)橐粋�強大的社會主義工業(yè)國。中國應(yīng)當這樣。因為中國是一個具有九百六十萬平方公里土地和六萬萬人口的國家，中國應(yīng)當對于人類有較大的貢獻。而這種貢獻，在過去一個長時期內(nèi)，則是太少了。這使我們感到慚愧。
　　但是要謙虛。不但現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當這樣，四十五年之后也應(yīng)當這樣，永遠應(yīng)當這樣。中國人在國際交往方面，應(yīng)當堅決、徹底、干凈、全部地消滅大國主義。
　　Things develop ceaselessly. It is only forty-five years since the Revolution of 19II, but the face of China has completely changed. In another forty-five years, that is, in the year 2001, or the beginning of the 21st century, China will have undergone an even greater change. She will have become a powerful socialist industrial country. And that is as it should be. China is a land with an area of 9,600,000 square kilometres and a population of 600 million people, and she ought to have made a greater contribution to humanity. Her contribution over a long period has been far too small. For this we are regretful.<br>
But we must be modest - not only now, but forty-five years hence as well. We should always be modest. In our international relations, we Chinese people should get rid of great-power chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely.

　　　　《紀念孫中山先生》（一九五六年十一月），一九五六年十一月十二日《人民日報》
　　　　 "In Commemoration of Dr. Sun Yat-sen" (November 1956).

我們決不可有傲慢的大國主義的態(tài)度，決不應(yīng)當由于革命的勝利和在建設(shè)上有了一些成績而自高自大。國無論大小，都各有長處和短處。
　　We must never adopt an arrogant attitude of great-power chauvinism and become conceited because of the victory of our revolution and certain achievements in our construction. Every nation, big or small, has its strong and weak points.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會開幕詞》（一九五六年九月十五日），《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會文獻》第九頁
　　　　

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十九、革命英雄主義
19. REVOLUTIONARY HEROISM
　　　

這個軍隊具有一往無前的精神，它要壓倒一切敵人，而決不被敵人所屈服。不論在任何艱難困苦的場合，只要還有一個人，這個人就要繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)斗下去。
　　This army has an indomitable spirit and is determined to vanquish all enemies and never to yield. No matter what the difficulties and hardships, so long as a single man remains, he will fight on.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零三九頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 264.*

發(fā)揚勇敢戰(zhàn)斗、不怕犧牲、不怕疲勞和連續(xù)作戰(zhàn)（即在短期內(nèi)不休息地接連打幾仗）的作風。
　　Give full play to our style of fighting - courage in battle, no fear of sacrifice, no fear of fatigue, and continuous fighting (that is, fighting successive battles in a short time without rest).

　　　　《目前形勢和我們的任務(wù)》（一九四七年十二月二十五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二四七頁
　　　　"The Present Situation and Our Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 161.

成千成萬的先烈，為著人民的利益，在我們的前頭英勇地犧牲了，讓我們高舉起他們的旗幟，踏著他們的血跡前進吧！
　　Thousands upon thousands of martyrs have heroically laid down their lives for the people; let us hold their banner high and march ahead along the path crimson with their blood!

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九九頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 318.

下定決心，不怕犧牲，排除萬難，去爭取勝利。
　　Be resolute, fear no sacrifice and surmount every difficulty to win victory.

　　　　《愚公移山》（一九四五年六月十一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一一零一頁
　　　　"The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains" (June 11, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 321.*

……正當北伐戰(zhàn)爭向前發(fā)展的緊要關(guān)頭，這個代表中國人民解放事業(yè)的國共兩黨和各界人民的民族統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線及其一切革命政策，就被國民黨當局的叛賣性的反人民的“清黨”政策和屠殺政策所破壞了�！�…從此以后，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)代替了團結(jié)，獨裁代替了民主，黑暗的中國代替了光明的中國。但是中國共產(chǎn)黨和中國人民并沒有被嚇倒，被征服，被殺絕。他們從地下爬起來，揩干凈身上的血跡，掩埋好同伴的尸首，他們又繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)斗了。他們高舉起革命的大旗，舉行了武裝的抵抗，在中國的廣大區(qū)域內(nèi)，組織了人民的政府，實行了土地制度的改革，創(chuàng)造了人民的軍隊——中國紅軍，保存了和發(fā)展了中國人民的革命力量。
　　At a critical moment in the progress of the Northern Expedition, ... the treacherous and reactionary policies of "party purge" and massacre adopted by the Kuomintang authorities wrecked this national united front - the united front of the Kuomintang, the Communist Party and all sections of the people, which embodied the Chinese people's cause of liberation - and all its revolutionary policies.... Thereupon unity was replaced by civil war, democracy by dictatorship, and a China full of brightness by a China covered in darkness. But the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people were neither cowed nor conquered nor exterminated. They picked themselves up, wiped off the blood, buried their fallen comrades and went into battle again. Holding high the great standard of revolution, they rose in armed resistance and over a vast territory in China they set up people's governments, carried out land reform, built up a people's army - the Chinese Red Army - and preserved and expanded the revolutionary forces of the Chinese people.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零三六頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 261.*

你們有許多的長處，有很大的功勞，但是你們切記不可以驕傲，你們被大家尊敬，是應(yīng)當?shù)�，但是也容易因此引起驕傲。如果你們驕傲起來，不虛心，不再努力，不尊重人家，不尊重干部，不尊重群眾，你們就會當不成英雄和模范了。過去已有一些這樣的人，希望你們不要學他們。
　　You have many good qualities and have rendered great service, but you must always remember not to become conceited. You are respected by all, and quite rightly, but this easily leads to conceit. If you become conceited, if you are not modest and cease to exert yourselves, and if you do not respect others, do not respect the cadres and the masses, then you will cease to be heroes and models. There have been such people in the past, and I hope you will not follow their example.

　　　　《必須學會做經(jīng)濟工作》（一九四五年一月十日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零一三頁
　　　　 "We Must Learn to Do Economic Work" (January 10, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 239.

你們在消滅敵人的斗爭中，在恢復(fù)和發(fā)展工農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的斗爭中，克服了很多的艱難困苦，表現(xiàn)了極大的勇敢、智慧和積極性。你們是全中華民族的模范人物，是推動各方面人民事業(yè)勝利前進的骨干，是人民政府的可靠支柱和人民政府聯(lián)系廣大群眾的橋梁。
　　In the fight to wipe out the enemy and to restore and increase industrial and agricultural production, you have overcome many difficulties and hardships and demonstrated immense courage, wisdom and initiative. You are models for the whole Chinese nation, the backbone of the victorious advance of the people's cause in all spheres, pillars of support to the People's Government and bridges linking the People's Government with the great masses.

　　　　代表中共中央在全國戰(zhàn)斗英雄和勞動模范代表會議上的祝詞（一九五零年九月二十五日），一九五零年九月二十六日《人民日報》
　　　　 "Message of greetings on behalf of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to the Meeting of Representatives of National Combat Heroes and Model Workers" (September 25, 1950).

我們中華民族有同自己的敵人血戰(zhàn)到底的氣概。有在自力更生的基礎(chǔ)上光復(fù)舊物的決心，有自立于世界民族之林的能力。
　　We the Chinese nation have the spirit to fight the enemy to the last drop of our blood, the determination to recover our lost territory by our own efforts, and the ability to stand on our own feet in the family of nations.

　　　　《論反對日本帝國主義的策略》（一九三五年十二月二十七日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一五六頁
　　　　 "On Tactics Against Japanese Imperialism" (December 27, 1935), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 170.*

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二十、勤儉建國
20. BUILDING OUR COUNTRY THROUGH DILIGENCE AND FRUGALITY
　　　　

要使全體干部和全體人民經(jīng)常想到我國是一個社會主義的大國，但又是一個經(jīng)濟落后的窮國，這是一個很大的矛盾。要使我國富強起來，需要幾十年艱苦奮斗的時間，其中包括執(zhí)行厲行節(jié)約、反對浪費這樣一個勤儉建國的方針。
　　We must see to it that all our cadres and all our people constantly bear in mind that ours is a big socialist country but an economically backward and poor one, and that this is a very great contradiction. To make China rich and strong needs several decades of intense effort, which will include, among other things, the effort to practise strict economy and combat waste, i.e., the policy of building up our country through diligence and frugality.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三六頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 71.

勤儉辦工廠，勤儉辦商店，勤儉辦一切國營事業(yè)和合作事業(yè)，勤儉辦一切其他事業(yè)，什么事情都應(yīng)當執(zhí)行勤儉的原則。這就是節(jié)約的原則，節(jié)約是社會主義經(jīng)濟的基本原則之一。中國是一個大國，但是現(xiàn)在還很窮，要使中國富起來，需要幾十年時間，幾十年以后也需要執(zhí)行勤儉的原則，但是特別要提倡勤儉，特別要注意節(jié)約的，是在目前這幾十年內(nèi)，是在目前這幾個五年計劃的時期內(nèi)。
　　Diligence and frugality should be practised in running factories and shops and all state-owned, co-operative and other enterprises. The principle of diligence and frugality should be observed in everything. This principle of economy is one of the basic principles of socialist economics. China is a big country, but she is still very poor. It will take several decades to make China prosperous. Even then we will still have to observe the principle of diligence and frugality. But it is in the coming few decades, during the present series of five-year plans, that we must particularly advocate diligence and frugality, that we must pay special attention to economy.

　　　　《勤儉辦社》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》上冊第一六頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "Running a Co-operative Diligently and Frugally" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.

任何地方必須十分愛惜人力物力，決不可只顧一時，濫用浪費。任何地方必須從開始工作的那一年起，就計算到將來的很多年，計算到長期堅持戰(zhàn)爭，計算到反攻，計算到趕走敵人之后的建設(shè)。一面決不濫用浪費，一面努力發(fā)展生產(chǎn)。過去有些地方缺少長期打算，既未注意節(jié)省人力物力，又未注意發(fā)展生產(chǎn)，吃了大虧。得了這個教訓，現(xiàn)在必須引起注意。
　　Wherever we happen to be, we must treasure our manpower and material resources, and must not take a short view and indulge in wastefulness and extravagance. Wherever we are, from the very first year of our work we must bear in mind the many years to come, the protracted war that must be maintained, the counter-offensive, and the work of reconstruction after the enemy's expulsion. On the one hand, never be wasteful or extravagant; on the other, actively expand production. Previously, in some places people suffered a great deal because they did not take the long view and neglected economy in manpower and material resources and the expansion of production. The lesson is there and attention must be called to it.

　　　　《必須學會做經(jīng)濟工作》（一九四五年一月十日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零一九頁
　　　　 "We Must Learn to Do Economic Work" (January 10, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 244.

為了迅速地恢復(fù)和發(fā)展農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)和市鎮(zhèn)上的工業(yè)生產(chǎn)，在消滅封建制度的斗爭中，必須注意盡一切努力最大限度地保存一切可用的生產(chǎn)資料和生活資料，采取辦法堅決地反對任何人對于生產(chǎn)資料和生活資料的破壞和浪費，反對大吃大喝，注意節(jié)約。
　　In order to speed up this restoration and development [of agricultural production and industrial production in small towns], we must do our utmost, in the course of our struggle for the abolition of the feudal system, to preserve all useful means of production and of livelihood, take resolute measures against anyone's destroying or wasting them, oppose extravagant eating and drinking and pay attention to thrift and economy.

　　　　《在晉綏干部會議上的講話》（一九四八年四月一日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一三一四頁
　　　　"Speech at a Conference of Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan Liberated Area" (April 1, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238.

財政的支出，應(yīng)該根據(jù)節(jié)省的方針。應(yīng)該使一切政府工作人員明白，貪污和浪費是極大的犯罪。反對貪污和浪費的斗爭，過去有了些成績，以后還應(yīng)用力。節(jié)省每一個銅板為著戰(zhàn)爭和革命事業(yè)，為著我們的經(jīng)濟建設(shè)，是我們的會計制度的原則。
　　Thrift should be the guiding principle in our government expenditure. It should be made clear to all government workers that corruption and waste are very great crimes. Our campaigns against corruption and waste have already achieved some results, but further efforts are required. Our system of accounting must be guided by the principle of saving every copper for the war effort, for the revolutionary cause and for our economic construction.

　　　　《我們的經(jīng)濟政策》（一九三四年一月二十三日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一二九頁
　　　　"Our Economic Policy" (January 23, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 145.

在我們的許多工作人員中間，現(xiàn)在滋長著一種不愿意和群眾同甘苦，喜歡計較個人名利的危險傾向，這是很不好的。我們在增產(chǎn)節(jié)約運動中要求精簡機關(guān)，下放干部，使相當大的一批干部回到生產(chǎn)中去，就是克服這種危險傾向的一個方法。
　　A dangerous tendency has shown itself of late among many of our personnel - an unwillingness to share the joys and hardships of the masses, a concern for personal fame and gain. This is very bad. One way of overcoming it is to simplify our organizations in the course of our campaign to increase production and practise economy, and to transfer cadres to lower levels so that a considerable number will return to productive work.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三六頁
　　　　"On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p 71.

軍隊生產(chǎn)自給，不但改善了生活，減輕了人民負擔，并因而能夠擴大軍隊，而且立即帶來了許多副產(chǎn)物。這些副產(chǎn)物就是：（一）改善官兵關(guān)系。官兵一道生產(chǎn)勞動，親如兄弟了。（二）增強勞動觀念�！�…生產(chǎn)自給以來，勞動觀念加強了，二流子的習氣被改造了。（三）增強紀律性。在生產(chǎn)中執(zhí)行勞動紀律，不但不會減弱戰(zhàn)斗紀律和軍人生活紀律，反而會增強它們。（四）改善軍民關(guān)系。部隊有了家務(wù)，侵害老百姓財物的事就少了，或者完全沒有了。在生產(chǎn)中，軍民變工互助，更增強他們之間的友好關(guān)系。（五）軍隊埋怨政府的事也會少了，軍政關(guān)系也好了。（六）促進人民的大生產(chǎn)運動。軍隊生產(chǎn)了，機關(guān)生產(chǎn)更顯得必要，更有勁了；全體人民的普遍增產(chǎn)運動，當然也更顯得必要，更有勁了。
　　Production by the army for its own support has not only improved the army's living conditions and lightened the burden on the people, thereby making it possible further to expand the army. In addition, it has had many immediate side-effects. They are as follows:
(1) Improved relations between officers and men. Officers and men work together in production and become like brothers.
(2) Better attitude to labour.... since the army began to produce for its own support, the attitude to labour has improved and loafer ways have been overcome.
(3) Strengthened discipline. Far from weakening discipline in battle and in army life, labour discipline in production actually strengthens it.
(4) Improved relations between the army and the people. Once an armed force begins to "keep house" for itself, encroachments upon the property of the people seldom or never occur. As the army and the people exchange labour and help each other in production, the friendship between them is strengthened.
(5) Less grumbling in the army about the government and improved relations between the two.
(6) An impetus to the great production campaign of the people. Once the army engages in production, the need for government and other organizations to do likewise becomes more obvious, and they do so more energetically; also, the need for a universal campaign of the whole people to increase production naturally becomes more obvious, and this too is carried on more energetically.

　　　　《論軍隊生產(chǎn)自給，兼論整風和生產(chǎn)兩大運動的重要性》（一九四五年四月二十七日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一一零七頁
　　　　 "On Production by the Army for Its Own Support and on the Importance of the Great Movements for Rectification and for Production" (April 27, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 327-28.*

有人說：部隊生產(chǎn)，就不能作戰(zhàn)和訓練了；機關(guān)生產(chǎn)，就不能工作了。這種說法是不對的。最近幾年，我們邊區(qū)部隊從事大量的生產(chǎn)，衣食豐足，同時又進行練兵，又有政治和文化學習，這些都比從前有更大的成績，軍隊內(nèi)部的團結(jié)和軍民之間的團結(jié)，也比從前更好了。在前方，去年一年進行了大規(guī)模的生產(chǎn)運動，可是去年一年作戰(zhàn)方面有很大的成績，并且普遍地開始了練兵運動。機關(guān)因為生產(chǎn)，工作人員生活改善了，工作更安心、更有效率，邊區(qū)和前方都是這樣。
　　Some people say that if the army units go in for production, they will be unable to train or fight and that if the government and other organizations do so, they will be unable to do their own work. This is a false argument. In recent years our army units in the Border Region have undertaken production on a big scale to provide themselves with ample food and clothing and have simultaneously done their training and conducted their political studies and literacy and other courses much more successfully than before, and there is greater unity than ever within the army and between the army and the people. While there was a large-scale production campaign at the front last year, great successes were gained in the fighting and in addition an extensive training campaign was started. And thanks to production, the personnel of the government and other organizations live a better life and work with greater devotion and efficiency; this is the case both in the Border Region and at the front.

　　　　《必須學會做經(jīng)濟工作》（一九四五年一月十日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零一八頁
　　　　 "We Must Learn to Do Economic Work" (January 10, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 243-44.

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二十一、自力更生，艱苦奮斗
21. SELF-RELIANCE AND ARDUOUS STRUGGLE
　　　　

我們的方針要放在什么基點上？放在自己力量的基點上，叫做自力更生。我們并不孤立，全世界一切反對帝國主義的國家和人民都是我們的朋友。但是我們強調(diào)自力更生，我們能夠依靠自己組織的力量，打敗一切中外反動派。
　　On what basis should our policy rest? It should rest on our own strength, and that means regeneration through one's own efforts. We are not alone; all the countries and people in the world opposed to imperialism are our friends. Nevertheless, we stress regeneration through our own efforts. Relying on the forces we ourselves organize, we can defeat all Chinese and foreign reactionaries.

　　　　《抗日戰(zhàn)爭勝利后的時局和我們的方針》（一九四五年八月十三日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一三二頁
　　　　 "The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 20.

我們是主張自力更生的。我們希望有外援，但是我們不能依賴它，我們依靠自己的努力，依靠全體軍民的創(chuàng)造力。
　　We stand for self-reliance. We hope for foreign aid but cannot be dependent on it; we depend on our own efforts, on the creative power of the whole army and the entire people.

　　　　《必須學會做經(jīng)濟工作》（一九四五年一月十日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零一五頁
　　　　 "We Must Learn to Do Economic Work" (January 10, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 241.

奪取全國勝利，這只是萬里長征走完了第一步�！�…中國的革命是偉大的，但革命以后的路程更長，工作更偉大，更艱苦。這一點現(xiàn)在就必須向黨內(nèi)講明白，務(wù)必使同志們繼續(xù)地保持謙虛、謹慎、不驕、不躁的作風，務(wù)必使同志們繼續(xù)地保持艱苦奮斗的作風。
　　To win country-wide victory is only the first step in a long march of ten thousand li.... The Chinese revolution is great, but the road after the revolution will be longer, the work greater and more arduous. This must be made clear now in the Party. The comrades must be helped to remain modest, prudent and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work. The comrades must be helped to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨第七屆中央委員會第二次全體會議上的報告》（一九四九年三月五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四三九——一四四零頁
　　　　 "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374.*

干部中一切不經(jīng)過自己艱苦奮斗、流血流汗，而依靠意外便利、僥幸取勝的心理，必須掃除干凈。
　　We must thoroughly clear away all ideas among our cadres of winning easy victories through good luck, without hard and bitter struggle, without sweat and blood.

　　　　《建立鞏固的東北根據(jù)地》（一九四五年十月二十八日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一七九頁
　　　　 "Build Stable Base Areas in the Northeast" (December 28, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 84.

我們應(yīng)當把世界進步的情況和光明的前途，常常向人民宣傳，使人民建立起勝利的信心，同時，我們還要告訴人民，告訴同志們，道路是曲折的。在革命的道路上還有許多障礙物，還有許多困難。我們黨的七次代表大會設(shè)想過許多困難，我們寧肯把困難想得更多一些，有些同志不愿意多想困難。但是困難是事實，有多少就得承認多少，不能采取“不承認主義”。我們要承認困難，分析困難，向困難作斗爭。世界上沒有直路，要準備走曲折的路，不要貪便宜。不能設(shè)想，那一天早上，一切反動派會統(tǒng)統(tǒng)自己跪在地下�？傊�，前途是光明的，道路是曲折的。我們面前困難還多，不可忽視。我們和全體人民團結(jié)起來，共同努力，一定能夠排除萬難，達到勝利的目的。
　　We should carry on constant propaganda among the people on the facts of world progress and the bright future ahead so that they will build their confidence in victory. At the same time, we must tell the people and tell our comrades that there will be twists and turns in our road, There are still many obstacles and difficulties along the road of revolution. The Seventh Congress of our Party assumed that the difficulties would be many, for we preferred to assume there would be more difficulties rather than less. Some comrades do not like to think much about difficulties. But difficulties are facts; we must recognize as many difficulties as there are and should not adopt a "policy of non-recognition". We must recognize difficulties, analyse them and combat them. There are no straight roads in the world; we must be prepared to follow a road which twists and turns and not try to get things on the cheap. It must not be imagined that one fine morning all the reactionaries will go down on their knees of their own accord. In a word, while the prospects are bright, the road has twists and turns. There are still many difficulties ahead which we must not overlook. By uniting with the entire people in a common effort, we can certainly overcome all difficulties and win victory.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一六二頁
　　　　 "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 59-60.

誰要是只看見光明一面，不看見困難一面，誰就會不能很好地為實現(xiàn)黨的任務(wù)而斗爭。
　　Anyone who sees only the bright side but not the difficulties cannot fight effectively for the accomplishment of the Party's tasks.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九四頁
　　　　"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 314.

社會的財富是工人、農(nóng)民和勞動知識分子自己創(chuàng)造的。只要這些人掌握了自己的命運，又有一條馬克思列寧主義的路線，不是回避問題，而是用積極的態(tài)度去解決問題，任何人間的困難總是可以解決的。
　　The wealth of society is created by the workers, peasants and working intellectuals. If they take their destiny into their own hands, follow a Marxist-Leninist line and take an active attitude in solving problems instead of evading them, there will be no difficulty in the world which they cannot overcome.

　　　　《書記動手，全黨辦社》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》上冊第五——六頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "The Party Secretary Takes the Lead and All the Party Members Help Run the Co-operatives" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.

全黨同志都必須充分地估計到，并準備用百折不回的毅力，有計劃地克服所有的困難。反動勢力面前和我們面前都有困難。但是反動勢力的困難是不可能克服的，因為他們是接近于死亡的沒有前途的勢力。我們的困難是能夠克服的，因為我們是新興的有光明前途的勢力。
　　The comrades throughout the Party must take all this fully into account and be prepared to overcome all difficulties with an indomitable will and in a planned way. The reactionary forces and we both have difficulties. But the difficulties of the reactionary forces are insurmountable because they are forces on the verge of death and have no future. Our difficulties can be overcome because we are new and rising forces and have a bright future.

　　　　《迎接中國革命的新高潮》（一九四七年二月一日），毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二一四——一二一五頁
　　　　 "Greet the New High Tide of the Chinese Revolution" (February 1, 1947), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 125.

我們的同志在困難的時候，要看到成績，要看到光明，要提高我們的勇氣。
　　In times of difficulty we must not lose sight of our achievements, must see the bright future and must pluck up our courage.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零四頁
　　　　 "Serve the People" (September 8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 227-28.

任何新生事物的成長都是要經(jīng)過艱難曲折的。在社會主義事業(yè)中，要想不經(jīng)過艱難曲折，不付出極大努力，總是一帆風順，容易得到成功，這種想法，只是幻想。
　　New things always have to experience difficulties and setbacks as they grow. It is sheer fantasy to imagine that the cause of socialism is all plain sailing and easy success, without difficulties and setbacks or the exertion of tremendous efforts.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第一七頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 32-33.

革命斗爭中的某些時候，困難條件超過順利條件，在這種時候，困難是矛盾的主要方面，順利是其次要方面。然而由于革命黨人的努力，能夠逐步地克服困難，開展順利的新局面，困難的局面讓位于順利的局面。
　　At certain times in the revolutionary struggle, the difficulties outweigh the favourable conditions and so constitute the principal aspect of the contradiction and the favourable conditions constitute the secondary aspect. But through their efforts the revolutionaries can overcome the difficulties step by step and open up a favourable new situation, thus a difficult situation yields place to a favourable one.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月）《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三一三頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 335.

什么叫工作，工作就是斗爭。那些地方有困難、有問題，需要我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q。我們是為著解決困難去工作、去斗爭的。越是困難的地方越是要去，這才是好同志。
　　What is work? Work is struggle. There are difficulties and problems in those places for us to overcome and solve. We go there to work and struggle to overcome these difficulties. A good comrade is one who is more eager to go where the difficulties are greater.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日。），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一六零頁
　　　　 "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 58.

中國古代有個寓言，叫做“愚公移山”。說的是古代有一位老人，住在華北，名叫北山愚公。他的家門南面有兩座大山擋住他家的出路，一座叫做太行山，一座叫做王屋山。愚公下決心率領(lǐng)他的兒子們要用鋤頭挖去這兩座大山。有個老頭子名叫智叟的看了發(fā)笑，說是你們這樣干未免太愚蠢了，你們父子數(shù)人要挖掉這樣兩座大山是完全不可能的。愚公回答說：我死了以后有我的兒子，兒子死了，又有孫子，子子孫孫是沒有窮盡的。這兩座山雖然很高，卻是不會再增高了，挖一點就會少一點。為什么挖不平呢？愚公批駁了智叟的錯誤思想，毫不動搖，每天挖山不止。這件事感動了上帝，他就派了兩個神仙下凡，把兩座山背走了。現(xiàn)在也有兩座壓在中國人民頭上的大山，一座叫做帝國主義，一座叫做封建主義。中國共產(chǎn)黨早就下了決心，要挖掉這兩座山。我們一定要堅持下去，一定要不斷地工作，我們也會感動上帝的。這個上帝不是別人，就是全中國的人民大眾。全國人民大眾一齊起來和我們一道挖這兩座山，有什么挖不平呢？
　　There is an ancient Chinese fable called "The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains". It tells of an old man who lived in northern China long, long ago and was known as the Foolish Old Man of North Mountain. His house faced south and beyond his doorway stood the two great peaks, Taihang and Wangwu, obstructing the way. With great determination, he led his sons in digging up these mountains hoe in hand. Another greybeard, known as the Wise Old Man, saw them and said derisively, "How silly of you to do this! It is quite impossible for you few to dig up these two huge mountains." The Foolish Old Man replied, "When I die, my sons will carry on; when they die, there will be my grandsons, and then their sons and grandsons, and so on to infinity. High as they are, the mountains cannot grow any higher and with every bit we dig, they will be that much lower. Why can't we clear them away?" Having refuted the Wise Old Man's wrong view, he went on digging every day, unshaken in his conviction. God was moved by this, and he sent down two angels, who carried the mountains away on their backs. Today, two big mountains lie like a dead weight on the Chinese people. One is imperialism, the other is feudalism. The Chinese Communist Party has long made up its mind to dig them up. We must persevere and work unceasingly, and we, too, will touch God's heart. Our God is none other than the masses of the Chinese people. If they stand up and dig together with us, why can't these two mountains be cleared away?

　　　　《愚公移山》（一九四五年六月十一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一一零二頁
　　　　 "The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains" (June 11, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 322.*

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二十二、思想方法和工作方法
22. METHODS OF THINKING AND METHODS OF WORK
　　　　

人類的歷史，就是一個不斷地從必然王國向自由王國發(fā)展的歷史。這個歷史永遠不會完結(jié)。在有階級存在的社會內(nèi)，階級斗爭不會完結(jié)。在無階級存在的社會內(nèi)，新與舊、正確與錯誤之間的斗爭永遠不會完結(jié)。在生產(chǎn)斗爭和科學實驗范圍內(nèi)，人類總是不斷發(fā)展的，自然界也總是不斷發(fā)展的，永遠不會停止在一個水平上。因此，人類總得不斷地總結(jié)經(jīng)驗，有所發(fā)現(xiàn)，有所發(fā)明，有所創(chuàng)造，有所前進。停止的論點，悲觀的論點，無所作為和驕傲自滿的論點都是錯誤的。其所以是錯誤，因為這些論點，不符合大約一百萬年以來人類社會發(fā)展的歷史事實，也不符合迄今為止我們所知道的自然界（例如天體史，地球史，生物史，其他各種自然科學史所反映的自然界）的歷史事實。
　　The history of mankind is one of continuous development from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom. This process is never-ending. In any society in which classes exist class struggle will never end. In classless society the struggle between the new and the old and between truth and falsehood will never end. In the fields of the struggle for production and scientific experiment, mankind makes constant progress and nature undergoes constant change, they never remain at the same level. Therefore, man has constantly to sum up experience and go on discovering, inventing, creating and advancing. Ideas of stagnation, pessimism, inertia and complacency are all wrong. They are wrong because they agree neither with the historical facts of social development over the past million years, nor with the historical facts of nature so far known to us (i.e., nature as revealed in the history of celestial bodies, the earth, life, and other natural phenomena).

　　　　轉(zhuǎn)摘自《周恩來總理在第三屆全國人民代表大會第一次會議上的政府工作報告》，一九六四年十二月三十一日《人民日報》
　　　　 Quoted in "Premier Chou Enlai's Report on the Work of the Government to the First Session of the Third National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China" (December 21-22, 1964).

自然科學是人們爭取自由的一種武裝。人們?yōu)橹�要在社會上得到自由，就要用社會科學來了解社會，改造社會進行社會革命。人們?yōu)橹�要在自然界里得到自由，就要用自然科學來了解自然，克服自然和改造自然，從自然里得到自由。
　　Natural science is one of man's weapons in his fight for freedom. For the purpose of attaining freedom in society, man must use social science to understand and change society and carry out social revolution. For the purpose of attaining freedom in the world of nature, man must use natural science to understand, conquer and change nature and thus attain freedom from nature.

　　　　在邊區(qū)自然科學研究會成立大會上的講話（一九四零年二月五日），一九四零年三月十五日《新中華報》
　　　　 "Speech at the inaugural meeting of the Natural Science Research Society of the Border Region" (February 5, 1940).

馬克思主義的哲學辯證唯物論有兩個最顯著的特點：一個是它的階級性，公然申明辨證唯物論是為無產(chǎn)階級服務(wù)的；再一個是它的實踐性，強調(diào)理論對于實踐的依賴關(guān)系，理論的基礎(chǔ)是實踐，又轉(zhuǎn)過來為實踐服務(wù)。
　　The Marxist philosophy of dialectical materialism has two outstanding characteristics. One is its class nature: it openly avows that dialectical materialism is in the service of the proletariat. The other is its practicality: it emphasizes the dependence of theory on practice, emphasizes that theory is based on practice and in turn serves practice.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二七三頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 297.

馬克思主義的哲學認為十分重要的問題，不在于懂得了客觀世界的規(guī)律性，因而能夠解釋世界，而在于拿了這種對于客觀規(guī)律性的認識去能動地改造世界。
　　Marxist philosophy holds that the most important problem does not lie in understanding the laws of the objective world and thus being able to explain it, but in applying the knowledge of these laws actively to change the world.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二八零——二八一頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 304.

人的正確思想是從那里來的？是從天上掉下來的嗎？不是。是自己頭腦里固有的嗎？不是。人的正確思想，只能從社會實踐中來，只能從社會的生產(chǎn)斗爭、階級斗爭和科學實驗這三項實踐中來。
　　Where do correct ideas come from? Do they drop from the skies? No. Are they innate in the mind? No. They come from social practice, and from it alone; they come from three kinds of social practice, the struggle for production, the class struggle and scientific experiment.

　　　　《人的正確思想是從那里來的？》（一九六三年五月），人民出版社版第一頁
　　　　 "Where Do Correct Ideas Come from?" (May 1963), 1st pocket ed., p. 1.

人們的社會存在，決定人們的思想。而代表先進階級的正確思想，一旦被群眾掌握，就會變成改造社會、改造世界的物質(zhì)力量。
　　It is man's social being that determines his thinking. Once the correct ideas characteristic of the advanced class are grasped by the masses, these ideas turn into a material force which changes society and changes the world.

　　　　《人的正確思想是從那里來的？》（一九六三年五月），人民出版社版第一頁
　　　　 Ibid.

人們在社會實踐中從事各項斗爭，有了豐富的經(jīng)驗，有成功的，有失敗的。無數(shù)客觀外界的現(xiàn)象通過人的眼、耳、鼻、舌、身這五個官能反映到自己的頭腦中來，開始是感性認識。這種感性認識的材料積累多了，就會產(chǎn)生一個飛躍，變成了理性認識，這就是思想。這是一個認識過程。這是整個認識過程的第一個階段，即由客觀物質(zhì)到主觀精神的階段，由存在到思想的階段。這時候的精神、思想（包括理論、政策、計劃、辦法）是否正確地反映了客觀外界的規(guī)律，還是沒有證明的，還不能確定是否正確，然后又有認識過程的第二個階段，即由精神到物質(zhì)的階段，由思想到存在的階段，這就是把第一個階段得到的認識放到社會實踐中去，看這些理論、政策、計劃、辦法等等是否能得到預(yù)期的成功。一般的說來，成功了的就是正確的，失敗了的就是錯誤的，特別是人類對自然界的斗爭是如此。在社會斗爭中，代表先進階級的勢力，有時候有些失敗，并不是因為思想不正確，而是因為在斗爭力量的對比上，先進勢力這一方，暫時還不如反動勢力那一方，所以暫時失敗了，但是以后總有一天會要成功的。人們的認識經(jīng)過實踐的考驗，又會產(chǎn)生一個飛躍。這次飛躍，比起前一次飛躍來，意義更加偉大。因為只有這一次飛躍才能證明認識的第一次飛躍，即從客觀外界的反映過程中得到的思想、理論、計劃、辦法等等，究竟是正確的還是錯誤的，此外再無別的檢驗真理的辦法。
　　In their social practice, men engage in various kinds of struggle and gain rich experience, both from their successes and from their failures. Countless phenomena of the objective external world are reflected in a man's brain through his five sense organs - the organs of sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch. At first, knowledge is perceptual. The leap to conceptual knowledge, i e., to ideas, occurs when sufficient perceptual knowledge is accumulated. This is one process in cognition. It is the first stage in the whole process of cognition, the stage leading from objective matter to subjective consciousness, from existence to ideas. Whether or not one's consciousness or ideas (including theories, policies, plans or measures) do correctly reflect the laws of the objective external world is not yet proved at this stage, in which it is not yet possible to ascertain whether they are correct or not. Then comes the second stage in the process of cognition, the stage leading from consciousness back to matter, from ideas back to existence, in which the knowledge gained in the first stage is applied in social practice to ascertain whether the theories, policies, plans or measures meet with the anticipated success. Generally speaking, those that succeed are correct and those that fail are incorrect, and this is especially true of man's struggle with nature. In social struggle, the forces representing the advanced class sometimes suffer defeat not because their ideas are incorrect but because, in the balance of forces engaged in struggle, they are not as powerful for the time being as the forces of reaction; they are therefore temporarily defeated, but they are bound to triumph sooner or later. Man's knowledge makes another leap through the test of practice. This leap is more important than the previous one. For it is this leap alone that can prove the correctness or incorrectness of the first leap in cognition, i.e., of the ideas, theories, policies, plans or measures formulated in the course of reflecting the objective external world. There is no other way of testing truth.

　　　　《人的正確思想是從那里來的？》（一九六三年五月），人民出版社版第一——二頁
　　　　 Ibid., pp. 1-3.*

一個正確的認識，往往需要經(jīng)過由物質(zhì)到精神，由精神到物質(zhì)，即由實踐到認識，由認識到實踐這樣多次的反復(fù)，才能夠完成。這就是馬克思主義的認識論，就是辯證唯物論的認識論。
　　Often, correct knowledge can be arrived at only after many repetitions of the process leading from matter to consciousness and then back to matter, that is, leading from practice to knowledge and then back to practice. Such is the Marxist theory of knowledge, the dialectical materialist theory of knowledge.

　　　　《人的正確思想是從那里來的？》（一九六三年五月），人民出版社版第三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 3.*

無論何人要認識什么事物，除了同那個事物接觸，即生活于（實踐于）那個事物的環(huán)境中，是沒有法子解決的。……你要有知識，你就得參加變革現(xiàn)實的實踐。你要知道梨子的滋味，你就得變革梨子，親口吃一吃�！�…你要知道革命的理論和方法，你就得參加革命。一切真知都是從直接經(jīng)驗發(fā)源的。
　　Whoever wants to know a thing has no way of doing so except by coming into contact with it, that is, by living (practising) in its environment. ... If you want knowledge, you must take part in the practice of changing reality. If you want to know the taste of a pear, you must change the pear by eating it yourself.... If you want to know the theory and methods of revolution, you must take part in revolution. All genuine knowledge originates in direct experience.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二七五——二七六頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 299-300.

認識從實踐始，經(jīng)過實踐得到了理論的認識，還須再回到實踐去。認識的能動作用，不但表現(xiàn)于從感性的認識到理性的認識之能動的飛躍，更重要的還須表現(xiàn)于從理性的認識到革命的實踐這一個飛躍。
　　Knowledge begins with practice, and theoretical knowledge which is acquired through practice must then return to practice. The active function of knowledge manifests itself not only in the active leap from perceptual to rational knowledge, but - and this is more important - it must manifest itself in the leap from rational knowledge to revolutionary practice.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二八一頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 304.*

大家明白。不論做什么事，不懂得那件事的情形，它的性質(zhì)，它和它以外的事情的關(guān)聯(lián)，就不知道那件事的規(guī)律，就不知道如何去做，就不能做好那件事。
　　It is well known that when you do anything, unless you understand its actual circumstances, its nature and its relations to other things, you will not know the laws governing it, or know how to do it, or be able to do it well.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一六三——一六四頁
　　　　 "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 179.

人們要想得到工作的勝利即得到預(yù)想的結(jié)果，一定要使自己的思想合于客觀外界的規(guī)律性，如果不合，就會在實踐中失敗。人們經(jīng)過失敗之后，也就從失敗取得教訓，改正自己的思想使之適合于外界的規(guī)律性，人們就能變失敗為勝利，所謂“失敗者成功之母”，“吃一塹長一智”，就是這個道理。
　　If a man wants to succeed in his work, that is, to achieve the anticipated results, he must bring his ideas into correspondence with the laws of the objective external world; if they do not correspond, he will fail in his practice. After he fails, he draws his lessons, corrects his ideas to make them correspond to the laws of the external world, and can thus turn failure into success; this is what is meant by "failure is the mother of success" and "a fall into the pit, a gain in your wit".

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二七三頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 296-97.

我們是馬克思主義者，馬克思主義叫我們看問題不要從抽象的定義出發(fā)，而要從客觀存在的事實出發(fā)，從分析這些事實中找出方針、政策、辦法來。
　　We are Marxists, and Marxism teaches that in our approach to a problem we should start from objective facts, not from abstract definitions, and that we should derive our guiding principles, policies and measures from an analysis of these facts.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八五五頁
　　　　 "Talks at the Yen'an Forum on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 74.

按照實際情況決定工作方針，這是一切共產(chǎn)黨員所必須牢牢記住的最基本的工作方法。我們所犯的錯誤，研究其發(fā)生的原因，都是由于我們離開了當時當?shù)氐膶嶋H情況，主觀地決定自己的工作方針。
　　The most fundamental method of work which all Communists must firmly bear in mind is to determine our working policies according to actual conditions. When we study the causes of the mistakes we have made, we find that they all arose because we departed from the actual situation at a given time and place and were subjective in determining our working policies.

　　　　《在晉綏干部會議上的講話》（一九四八年四月一日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一三零六頁
　　　　 "Speech at a Conference of Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan Liberated Area" (April 1, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 229-30.*

世界上只有唯心論和形而上學最省力，因為它可以由人們瞎說一氣，不要根據(jù)客觀實際，也不受客觀實際檢查的。唯物論和辯證法則要用氣力，它要根據(jù)客觀實際，并受客觀實際檢查，不用氣力就會滑到唯心論和形而上學方面去。
　　Idealism and metaphysics are the easiest things in the world, because people can talk as much nonsense as they like without basing it on objective reality or having it tested against reality. Materialism and dialectics, on the other hand, need effort. They must be based on and tested by objective reality. Unless one makes the effort one is liable to slip into idealism and metaphysics.

　　　　《關(guān)于胡風反革命集團的材料》按語（一九五五年五月），《關(guān)于胡風反革命集團的材料》人民出版社版第七零頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "Material on the Hu Feng Counter-Revolutionary Clique" (May 1955).

我們看事情必須要看它的實質(zhì)，而把它的現(xiàn)象只看作入門的向?qū)В�一進了門就要抓住它的實質(zhì)，這才是可靠的科學的分析方法。
　　When we look at a thing, we must examine its essence and treat its appearance merely as an usher at the threshold, and once we cross the threshold, we must grasp the essence of the thing; this is the only reliable and scientific method of analysis.

　　　　《星星之火，可以燎原》（一九三零年一月五日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一零三頁
　　　　 "A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire" (January 5, 1930), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 119.

事物發(fā)展的根本原因，不是在事物的外部而是在事物的內(nèi)部，在于事物內(nèi)部的矛盾性。任何事物內(nèi)部都有這種矛盾性，因此引起了事物的運動和發(fā)展。事物內(nèi)部的這種矛盾性是事物發(fā)展的根本原因，一事物和他事物的互相聯(lián)系和互相影響則是事物發(fā)展的第二位的原因。
　　The fundamental cause of the development of a thing is not external but internal; it lies in the contradictoriness within the thing. This internal contradiction exists in every single thing, hence its motion and development. Contradictoriness within a thing is the fundamental cause of its development, while its interrelations and interactions with other things are secondary causes.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二八九——二九零頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 313.

唯物辯證法認為外因是變化的條件，內(nèi)因是變化的根據(jù)，外因通過內(nèi)因而起作用。雞蛋因得適當?shù)臏囟榷�變化為雞子，但溫度不能使石頭變?yōu)殡u子，因為二者的根據(jù)是不同的。
　　It [materialist dialectics] holds that external causes are the condition of change and internal causes are the basis of change, and that external causes become operative through internal causes. In a suitable temperature an egg changes into a chicken, but no temperature can change a stone into a chicken, because each has a different basis.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年蜍月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二九一頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 314.

馬克思主義的哲學認為，對立統(tǒng)一規(guī)律是宇宙的根本規(guī)律。這個規(guī)律，不論在自然界、人類社會和人們的思想中，都是普遍存在的。矛盾著的對立面又統(tǒng)一，又斗爭，由此推動事物的運動和變化。矛盾是普遍存在的，不過按事物的性質(zhì)不同，矛盾的性質(zhì)也就不同，對于任何一個具體的事物說來，對立的統(tǒng)一是有條件的、暫時的、過渡的，因而是相對的，對立的斗爭則是絕對的。
　　Marxist philosophy holds that the law of the unity of opposites is the fundamental law of the universe. This law operates universally, whether in the natural world, in human society, or in man's thinking. Between the opposites in a contradiction there is at once unity and struggle, and it is this that impels things to move and change. Contradictions exist everywhere, but they differ in accordance with the different nature of different things. In any given phenomenon or thing, the unity of opposites is conditional, temporary and transitory, and hence relative, whereas the struggle of opposites is absolute.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第九——一零頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 18.

分析的方法就是辯證的方法。所謂分析，就是分析事物的矛盾。不熟悉生活，對于所論的矛盾不真正了解，就不可能有中肯的分析。
　　The analytical method is dialectical. By analysis, we mean analysing the contradictions in things. And sound analysis is impossible without intimate knowledge of life and without real understanding of the pertinent contradictions.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一五頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), l5t pocket ed., p. 20.

列寧說，對于具體情況作具體的分析，是“馬克思主義的最本質(zhì)的東西，馬克思主義的活的靈魂”。我們許多同志缺乏分析的頭腦，對于復(fù)雜事物，不愿作反復(fù)深入的分析研究，而愛作絕對肯定或絕對否定的簡單結(jié)論�！�…今后應(yīng)該改善這種狀況。
　　Concrete analysis of concrete conditions, Lenin said, is "the most essential thing in Marxism, the living soul of Marxism". Lacking an analytical approach, many of our comrades do not want to go deeply into complex matters, to analyse and study them over and over again, but like to draw simple conclusions which are either absolutely affirmative or absolutely negative.... From now on we should remedy this state of affairs.

　　　　《學習和時局》（一九四四年四月十二日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九四三頁
　　　　 "Our Study and the Current Situation" (April 12, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 165.

這些同志看問題的方法不對。他們不去看問題的本質(zhì)方面，主流方面，而是強調(diào)那些非本質(zhì)方面、非主流方面的東西。應(yīng)當指出：不能忽略非本質(zhì)方面和非主流方面的問題，必須逐一地將它們解決。但是，不應(yīng)當將這些看成為本質(zhì)和主流，以致迷惑了自己的方向。
　　The way these comrades look at problems is wrong. They do not look at the essential or main aspects but emphasize the non-essential or minor ones. It should be pointed out that these non-essential or minor aspects must not be overlooked and must be dealt with one by one. But they should not be taken as the essential or main aspects, or we will lose our bearings.

　　　　《關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)合作化問題》（一九五五年七月三十一日），《人民出版社版第二一頁
　　　　 "On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation" (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 17-18.

世界上的事情是復(fù)雜的，是由各方面的因素決定的�？磫栴}要從各方面去看，不能只從單方面看。
　　In this world, things are complicated and are decided by many factors. We should look at problems from different aspects, not from just one.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一五六頁
　　　　"On the Chungking Negotiations'' (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 54.

只有那些主觀地、片面地和表面地看問題的人，跑到一個地方，不問環(huán)境的情況，不看事情的全體（事情的歷史和全部現(xiàn)狀），也不觸到事情的本質(zhì)（事情的性質(zhì)及此一事情和其他事情的內(nèi)部聯(lián)系），就自以為是地發(fā)號施令起來，這樣的人是沒有不跌交子的。
　　Only those who are subjective, one-sided and superficial in their approach to problems will smugly issue orders or directives the moment they arrive on the scene, without considering the circumstances, without viewing things in their totality (their history and their present state as a whole) and without getting to the essence of things (their nature and the internal relations between one thing and another). Such people are bound to trip and fall.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二七八——二七九頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 302.

研究問題，忌帶主觀性、片面性和表面性。所謂主觀性，就是不知道客觀地看問題，也就是不知道用唯物的觀點去看問題。這一點，我在《實踐論》一文中已經(jīng)說過了。所謂片面性，就是不知道全面地看問題�！�…或者叫做只看見局部，不看見全體，只看見樹木，不看見森林。這樣，是不能找出解決矛盾的方法的，是不能完成革命任務(wù)的，是不能做好所任工作的，是不能正確地發(fā)展黨內(nèi)的思想斗爭的。孫子論軍事說：“知彼知己，百戰(zhàn)不殆。”他說的是作戰(zhàn)的雙方。唐朝人魏征說過：“兼聽則明，偏信則暗�！币捕�得片面性不對�？墒俏覀兊耐�志看問題，往往帶片面性，這樣的人就往往碰釘子�！�…列寧說：“要真正地認識對象，就必須把握和研究它的一切方面、一切聯(lián)系和‘媒介’。我們決不會完全地作到這一點，可是要求全面性，將使我們防止錯誤，防止僵化�！蔽覀儜�(yīng)該記得他的話。表面性，是對矛盾總體和矛盾各方的特點都不去看，否認深入事物里面精細地研究矛盾特點的必要，僅僅站在那里遠遠地望一望，粗枝大葉地看到一點矛盾的形相，就想動手去解決矛盾（答復(fù)問題、解決糾紛、處理工作、指揮戰(zhàn)爭）。這樣的做法，沒有不出亂子的�！�…片面性、表面性也是主觀性，因為一切客觀事物本來是互相聯(lián)系的和具有內(nèi)部規(guī)律的，人們不去如實地反映這些情況，而只是片面地或表面地去看它們，不認識事物的互相聯(lián)系，不認識事物的內(nèi)部規(guī)律，所以這種方法是主觀主義的。
　　In studying a problem, we must shun subjectivity, one-sidedness and superficiality. To be subjective means not to look at problems objectively, that is, not to use the materialist viewpoint in looking at problems. I have discussed this in my essay "On Practice". To be one-sided means not to look at problems all-sidedly.... Or it may be called seeing the part but not the whole, seeing the trees but not the forest. That way it is impossible to find the method for resolving a contradiction, it is impossible to accomplish the tasks of the revolution, to carry out assignments well or to develop inner-Party ideological struggle correctly. When Sun Wu Tzu said in discussing military science, "Know the enemy and know yourself, and you can fight a hundred battles with no danger of defeat", he was referring to the two sides in a battle. Wei Cheng of the Tang Dynasty also understood the error of one-sidedness when he said, "Listen to both sides and you will be enlightened, heed only one side and you will be benighted." But our comrades often look at problems one-sidedly, and so they often run into snags. ... Lenin said: "... in order really to know an object we must embrace, study, all its sides, all connections and "mediations". We shall never achieve this completely, but the demand for all-sidedness is a safeguard against mistakes and rigidity." We should remember his words. To be superficial means to consider neither the characteristics of a contradiction in its totality nor the characteristics of each of its aspects; it means to deny the necessity for probing deeply into a thing and minutely studying the characteristics of its contradiction, but instead merely to look from afar and, after glimpsing the rough outline, immediately to try to resolve the contradiction (to answer a question, settle a dispute, handle work, or direct a military operation). This way of doing things is bound to lead to trouble. ...To be one-sided and superficial is at the same time to be subjective. For all objective things are actually interconnected and are governed by inner laws, but, instead of undertaking the task of reflecting things as they really are, some people only look at things one-sidedly or superficially and know neither their interconnections nor their inner laws, and so their method is subjectivist.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三零零——三零二頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 323-24.*

片面性就是思想上的絕對化，就是形而上學地看問題。對于我們的工作的看法，肯定一切或者否定一切，都是片面性的�！�…肯定一切，就是只看到好的，看不到壞的，只能贊揚，不能批評。說我們的工作似乎一切都好，這不合乎事實。不是一切都好，還有缺點和錯誤。但是也不是一切都壞，這也不合乎事實。要加以分析。否定一切，就是不加分析地認為事情都做得不好，社會主義建設(shè)這樣一個偉大事業(yè)，幾億人口所進行的這個偉大斗爭，似乎沒有什么好處可說，一團糟。許多具有這種看法的人，雖然和那些對社會主義制度心懷敵意的人還不相同，但是這種看法是很錯誤的，很有害的，它只會使人喪失信心。不論是用肯定一切的觀點或者否定一切的觀點來看我們的工作，都是錯誤的。
　　One-sidedness means thinking in terms of absolutes, that is, a metaphysical approach to problems. In the appraisal of our work, it is one-sided to regard everything either as all positive or as all negative. ... To regard everything as positive is to see only the good and not the bad, and to tolerate only praise and no criticism. To talk as though our work is good in every respect is at variance with the facts. It is not true that everything is good; there are still shortcomings and mistakes. But neither is it true that everything is bad, and that, too, is at variance with the facts. Here analysis is necessary. To negate everything is to think, without having made any analysis, that nothing has been done well and that the great work of socialist construction, the great struggle in which hundreds of millions of people are participating, is a complete mess with nothing in it worth commending. Although there is a difference between the many people who hold such views and those who are hostile to the socialist system, these views are very mistaken and harmful and can only dishearten people. It is wrong to appraise our work either from the viewpoint that everything is positive, or from the viewpoint that everything is negative.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一三——一四頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 16-17.*

馬克思主義者看問題，不但要看到部分，而且要看到全體。一個蝦蟆坐在井里說：“天有一個井大。”這是不對的，因為天不止一個井大。如果它說：“天的某一部分有一個井大�！边@是對的，因為合乎事實。
　　In approaching a problem a Marxist should see the whole as well as the parts. A frog in a well says, "The sky is no bigger than the mouth of the well." That is untrue, for the sky is not just the size of the mouth of the well. If it said, "A part of the sky is the size of the mouth of a well", that would be true, for it tallies with the facts.

　　　　《論反對日本帝國主義的策略》（一九三五年十二月二十七日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一四四頁
　　　　 "On Tactics Against Japanese Imperialism" (December 27, 1935), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 159.

我們必須學會全面地看問題，不但要看到事物的正面，也要看到它的反面。在一定的條件下，壞的東西可以引出好的結(jié)果，好的東西也可以引出壞的結(jié)果。
　　We must learn to look at problems allsidedly, seeing the reverse as well as the obverse side of things. In given conditions, a bad thing can lead to good results and a good thing to bad results.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三四頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 66-67.*

我們承認總的歷史發(fā)展中是物質(zhì)的東西決定精神的東西，是社會的存在決定社會的意識；但是同時又承認而且必須承認精神的東西的反作用，社會意識對于社會存在的反作用，上層建筑對于經(jīng)濟基礎(chǔ)的反作用。這不是違反唯物論，正是避免了機械唯物論，堅持了辯證唯物論。
　　While we recognize that in the general development of history the material determines the mental and social being determines social consciousness, we also - and indeed must - recognize the reaction of mental on material things, of social consciousness on social being and of the superstructure on the economic base. This does not go against materialism; on the contrary, it avoids mechanical materialism and firmly upholds dialectical materialism.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三一四頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 336.*

指導(dǎo)戰(zhàn)爭的人們不能超越客觀條件許可的限度期求戰(zhàn)爭的勝利，然而可以而且必須在客觀條件的限度之內(nèi)，能動地爭取戰(zhàn)爭的勝利。戰(zhàn)爭指揮員活動的舞臺，必須建筑在客觀條件的許可之上，然而他們憑借這個舞臺，卻可以導(dǎo)演出很多有聲有色、威武雄壯的戲劇來。
　　In seeking victory, those who direct a war cannot overstep the limitations imposed by the objective conditions; within these limitations, however, they can and must play a dynamic role in striving for victory. The stage of action for commanders in a war must be built upon objective possibilities, but on that stage they can direct the performance of many a drama, full of sound and colour, power and grandeur.

　　　　《論持久戰(zhàn)》（一九三八年五月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第四六八頁
　　　　 "On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 152.

人們的思想必須適應(yīng)已經(jīng)變化的情況，當然，任何人不可以無根據(jù)地胡思亂想，不可以超越客觀情況所許可的條件去計劃自己的行動，不要勉強地去做那些實在做不到的事情。但是現(xiàn)在的問題，還是右傾保守思想在許多方面作怪，使許多方面的工作不能適應(yīng)客觀情況的發(fā)展�，F(xiàn)在的問題是經(jīng)過努力本來可以做到的事情，卻有很多人認為做不到。
　　People must adapt their thinking to the changed conditions. Of course no one should go off into wild flights of fancy, or make plans of action unwarranted by the objective situation, or stretch for the impossible. The problem today, however, is that Rightist conservative thinking is still causing mischief in many spheres and preventing the work in these spheres from keeping pace with the development of the objective situation. The present problem is that many people consider it impossible to accomplish things which could be accomplished if they exerted themselves.

　　　　《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》的序言（一九五五年十二月二十七日），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》上冊第四頁
　　　　 Preface to "The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside" (December 27, 1955), Chinese ed., Vol. I.

凡事應(yīng)該用腦筋好好想一想。俗話說：“眉頭一皺，計上心來�！本褪钦f多想出智慧。要去掉我們黨內(nèi)濃厚的盲目性，必須提倡思索，學會分析事物的方法，養(yǎng)成分析的習慣。
　　We should always use our brains and think everything over carefully. A common saying goes, "Knit your brows and you will hit upon a stratagem." In other words much thinking yields wisdom. In order to get rid of the blindness which exists to a serious extent in our Party, we must encourage our comrades to think, to learn the method of analysis and to cultivate the habit of analysis.

　　　　《學習和時局》（一九四四年四月十二日），《毛澤東選集》第九五二頁
　　　　 "Our Study and the Current Situation" (April 12, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 174-75.*

任何過程如果有多數(shù)矛盾存在的話，其中必定有一種是主要的，起著領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的、決定的作用，其他則處于次要和服從的地位。因此，研究任何過程，如果是存在著兩個以上矛盾的復(fù)雜過程的話，就要用全力找出它的主要矛盾。捉住了這個主要矛盾，一切問題就迎刃而解了。
　　If in any process there are a number of contradictions, one of them must be the principal contradiction playing the leading and decisive role, while the rest occupy a secondary and subordinate position. Therefore, in studying any complex process in which there are two or more contradictions, we must devote every effort to finding its principal contradiction. Once this principal contradiction is grasped, all problems can be readily solved.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三一零頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 332.*

矛盾著的兩方面中，必有一方面是主要的，他方面是次要的。其主要的方面，即所謂矛盾起主導(dǎo)作用的方面。事物的性質(zhì)，主要地是由取得支配地位的矛盾的主要方面所規(guī)定的。
　　然而這種情形不是固定的，矛盾的主要和非主要的方面互相轉(zhuǎn)化著，事物的性質(zhì)也就隨著起變化。
　　 Of the two contradictory aspects, one must be principal and the other secondary. The principal aspect is the one playing the leading role in the contradiction. The nature of a thing is determined mainly by the principal aspect of a contradiction, the aspect which has gained the dominant position.
　　But this situation is not static; the principal and the non-principal aspects of a contradiction transform themselves into each other and the nature of the thing changes accordingly.

　　　　《矛盾論》（九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三一零頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 333.

我們不但要提出任務(wù)，而且要解決完成任務(wù)的方法問題。我們的任務(wù)是過河，但是沒有橋或沒有船就不能過。不解決橋或船的問題，過河就是一句空話。不解決方法問題，任務(wù)也只是瞎說一頓。
　　It is not enough to set tasks, we must also solve the problem of the methods for carrying them out. If our task is to cross a river, we cannot cross it without a bridge or a boat. Unless the bridge or boat problem is solved, it is idle to speak of crossing the river. Unless the problem of method is solved, talk about the task is useless.

　　　　《關(guān)心群眾生活，注意工作方法》（一九三四年一月二十七日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一三四頁
　　　　 "Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work" (January 27, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 150.

任何工作任務(wù)，如果沒有一般的普遍的號召，就不能動員廣大群眾行動起來。但如果只限于一般號召，而領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人員沒有具體地直接地從若干組織將所號召的工作深入實施，突破一點，取得經(jīng)驗，然后利用這種經(jīng)驗去指導(dǎo)其他單位，就無法考驗自己提出的一般號召是否正確，也無法充實一般號召的內(nèi)容，就有使一般號召歸于落空的危險。
　　In any task, if no general and widespread call is issued, the broad masses cannot be mobilized for action. But if persons in leading positions confine themselves to a general call - if they do not personally, in some of the organizations, go deeply and concretely into the work called for, make a break-through at some single point, gain experience and use this experience for guiding other units - then they will have no way of testing the correctness or of enriching the content of their general call, and there is the danger that nothing may come of it.

　　　　《關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法的若干問題》（一九四三年六月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八九九頁
　　　　

任何領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人員，凡不從下級個別單位的個別人員、個別事件取得具體經(jīng)驗者，必不能向一切單位作普遍的指導(dǎo)。這一方法必須普遍地提倡，使各級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部都能學會使用。
　　No one in a leading position is competent to give general guidance to all the units unless he derives concrete experience from particular individuals and events in particular subordinate units. This method must be promoted everywhere so that leading cadres at all levels learn to apply it.

　　　　《關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法的若干問題》（一九四三年六月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九零零頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 118.

在任何一個地區(qū)內(nèi)，不能同時有許多中心工作，在一定時間內(nèi)只能有一個中心工作，輔以別的第二位、第三位的工作。因此，一個地區(qū)的總負責人，必須考慮到該處的斗爭歷史和斗爭環(huán)境，將各項工作擺在適當?shù)牡匚�；而不是自己全無計劃，只按上級指示來一件做一件，形成很多的“中心工作”和凌亂無秩序的狀態(tài)。上級機關(guān)也不要不分輕重緩急地沒有中心地同時指定下級機關(guān)做很多項工作，以致引起下級在工作步驟上的凌亂，而得不到確定的結(jié)果。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人員依照每一具體地區(qū)的歷史條件和環(huán)境條件，統(tǒng)籌全局，正確地決定每一時期的工作重心和工作秩序，并把這種決定堅持地貫徹下去，務(wù)必得到一定的結(jié)果，這是一種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)藝術(shù)。
　　In any given place, there cannot be a number of central tasks at the same time. At any one time there can be only one central task, supplemented by other tasks of a second or third order of importance. Consequently, the person with over-all responsibility in the locality must take into account the history and circumstances of the struggle there and put the different tasks in their proper order; he should not act upon each instruction as it comes from the higher organization without any planning of his own, and thereby create a multitude of "central tasks" and a state of confusion and disorder. Nor should a higher organization simultaneously assign many tasks to a lower organization without indicating their relative importance and urgency or without specifying which is central, for that will lead to confusion in the steps to be taken by the lower organizations in their work and thus no definite results will be achieved. It is part of the art of leadership to take the whole situation into account and plan accordingly in the light of the historical conditions and existing circumstances of each locality, decide correctly on the centre of gravity and the sequence of the work for each period, steadfastly carry through the decision, and make sure that definite results are achieved.

　　　　《關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法的若干問題》（一九四三年六月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九零三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 121.

必須隨時掌握工作進程，交流經(jīng)驗，糾正錯誤，不要等數(shù)月、半年以至一年后，才開總結(jié)會，算總帳，總的糾正。這樣損失太大，而隨時糾正，損失較少。
　　It [a regional or sub-regional bureau of the Central Committee of the Party] should constantly have a grip on the progress of the work, exchange experience and correct mistakes; it should not wait several months, half a year or a year before holding summing-up meetings for a general check-up and a general correction of mistakes. Waiting leads to great loss, while correcting mistakes as soon as they occur reduces loss.

　　　　《關(guān)于工商業(yè)政策》（一九四八年二月二十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二八頁
　　　　 "On the Policy Concerning Industry and Commerce" (February 27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 204.

不要等到問題成了堆，鬧出了許多亂子，然后才去解決。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)一定要走在運動的前面，不要落在它的后面。
　　Don't wait until problems pile up and cause a lot of trouble before trying to solve them. Leaders must march ahead of the movement, not lag behind it.

　　　　《季節(jié)包工》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》下冊第一一五九頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "Contract on a Seasonal Basis" (I955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. III.

我們需要的是熱烈而鎮(zhèn)定的情緒，緊張而有秩序的工作。
　　What we need is an enthusiastic but calm state of mind and intense but orderly work.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一九六——一九七頁
　　　　 "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 211.

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二十三、調(diào)查研究
23. INVESTIGATION AND STUDY
　　　　

一切實際工作者必須向下作調(diào)查。對于只懂得理論不懂得實際情況的人，這種調(diào)查工作尤有必要，否則他們就不能將理論和實際相聯(lián)系�！皼]有調(diào)查就沒有發(fā)言權(quán)”，這句話，雖然曾經(jīng)被人譏為“狹隘經(jīng)驗論”的，我卻至今不悔；不但不悔，我仍然堅持沒有調(diào)查是不可能有發(fā)言權(quán)的。有許多人，“下車伊始”，就哇喇哇喇地發(fā)議論，提意見，這也批評，那也指責，其實這種人十個有十個要失敗。因為這種議論或批評，沒有經(jīng)過周密調(diào)查，不過是無知妄說。我們黨吃所謂“欽差大臣”的虧，是不可勝數(shù)的。而這種“欽差大臣”則是滿天飛，幾乎到處都有。斯大林的話說得對：“理論若不和革命實踐聯(lián)系起來，就會變成無對象的理論�！碑斎挥质撬�的話對：“實踐若不以革命理論為指南，就會變成盲目的實踐。”除了盲目的、無前途的、無遠見的實際家，是不能叫做“狹隘經(jīng)驗論”的。
　　Everyone engaged in practical work must investigate conditions at the lower levels. Such investigation is especially necessary for those who know theory but do not know the actual conditions, for otherwise they will not be able to link theory with practice. Although my assertion, "No investigation no right to speak", has been ridiculed as "narrow empiricism", to this day I do not regret having made it; far from regretting it, I still insist that without investigation there cannot possibly be any right to speak. There are many people who "the moment they alight from the official carriage" make a hullabaloo, spout opinions, criticize this and condemn that; but, in fact, ten out of ten of them will meet with failure. For such views or criticisms, which are not based on thorough investigation, are nothing but ignorant twaddle. Countless times our Party suffered at the hands of these "imperial envoys", who rushed here, there and everywhere. Stalin rightly says that "theory becomes purposeless if it is not connected with revolutionary practice". And he rightly adds that "practice gropes in the dark if its path is not illumined by revolutionary theory". Nobody should be labelled a "narrow empiricist" except the "practical man" who gropes in the dark and lacks perspective and foresight.

　　　　《“農(nóng)村調(diào)查”的序言和跋》（一九四一年三月、四月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第七九一頁
　　　　 "Preface and Postscript to Rural Surveys" (March and April 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 13.*

這種態(tài)度，就是實事求是的態(tài)度�！皩嵤隆本褪强陀^存在著的一切事物，“是”就是客觀事物的內(nèi)部聯(lián)系，即規(guī)律性，“求”就是我們?nèi)パ芯�。我們要從國�?nèi)外、省內(nèi)外、縣內(nèi)外、區(qū)內(nèi)外的實際情況出發(fā)，從其中引出其固有的而不是臆造的規(guī)律性，即找出周圍事變的內(nèi)部聯(lián)系，作為我們行動的向?qū)�。而要這樣做，就須不憑主觀想像，不憑一時的熱情，不憑死的書本，而憑客觀存在的事實，詳細地占有材料，在馬克思列寧主義一般原理的指導(dǎo)下，從這些材料中引出正確的結(jié)論。
　　To take such an attitude is to seek truth from facts. "Facts" are all the things that exist objectively, "truth" means their internal relations, that is, the laws governing them, and "to seek" means to study. We should proceed from the actual conditions inside and outside the country, the province, county or district, and derive from them, as our guide to action, laws which are inherent in them and not imaginary, that is, we should find the internal relations of the events occurring around us. And in order to do that we must rely not on subjective imagination, not on momentary enthusiasm, not on lifeless books, but on facts that exist objectively; we must appropriate the material in detail and, guided by the general principles of Marxism-Leninism, draw correct conclusions from it.

　　　　《改造我們的學習》（一九四一年五月）《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八零一頁
　　　　 "Reform Our Study" (May 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 22-23.

“閉塞眼睛捉麻雀”，“瞎子摸魚”，粗枝大葉，夸夸其談，滿足于一知半解，這種極壞的作風，這種完全違反馬克思列寧主義基本精神的作風，還在我黨許多同志中繼續(xù)存在著。馬克思、恩格斯、列寧、斯大林教導(dǎo)我們認真地研究情況，從客觀的真實的情況出發(fā)，而不是從主觀的愿望出發(fā)；我們的許多同志卻直接違反這一真理。
　　To behave like "a blindfolded man catching sparrows", or "a blind man groping for fish", to be crude and careless, to indulge in verbiage, to rest content with a smattering of knowledge - such is the extremely bad style of work that still exists among many comrades in our Party, a style utterly opposed to the fundamental spirit of Marxism-Leninism. Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin have taught us that it is necessary to study conditions conscientiously and to proceed from objective reality and not from subjective wishes; but many of our comrades act in direct violation of this truth.

　　　　《改造我們的學習》（一九四一年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第七九七頁
　　　　 Ibid. p. 18.

你對于那個問題不能解決么？那末，你就去調(diào)查那個問題的現(xiàn)狀和它的歷史吧！你完完全全調(diào)查明白了，你對那個問題就有解決的辦法了。一切結(jié)論產(chǎn)生于調(diào)查情況的末尾，而不是在它的先頭。只有蠢人，才是他一個人，或者邀集一堆人，不作調(diào)查，而只是冥思苦索地“想辦法”，“打主意”。須知這是一定不能想出什么好辦法，打出什么好主意的。
　　You can't solve a problem? Well, get down and investigate the present facts and its past history! When you have investigated the problem thoroughly, you will know how to solve it. Conclusions invariably come after investigation, and not before. Only a blockhead cudgels his brains on his own, or together with a group, to "find a solution" or "evolve an idea" without making any investigation. It must be stressed that this cannot possibly lead to any effective solution or any good idea.

　　　　《反對本本主義》（一九三零年五月），人民出版社版第二頁
　　　　 "Oppose Book Worship" (May 1930), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.

調(diào)查就像“十月懷胎”，解決問題就像“一朝分娩”。調(diào)查就是解決問題。
　　Investigation may be likened to the long months of pregnancy, and solving a problem to the day of birth. To investigate a problem is, indeed, to solve it.

　　　　《反對本本主義》（一九三零年五月），人民出版社版第三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 3.

應(yīng)用馬克思列寧主義的理論和方法，對周圍環(huán)境作系統(tǒng)的周密的調(diào)查和研究。不是單憑熱情去工作，而是如同斯大林所說的那樣：把革命氣概和實際精神結(jié)合起來。
　　[With the Marxist-Leninist attitude,] a person applies the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism to the systematic and thorough investigation and study of the environment. He does not work by enthusiasm alone but, as Stalin says, combines revolutionary sweep with practicalness.

　　　　《改造我們的學習》（一九四一年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八零一頁
　　　　 "Reform Our Study" (May 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 22.

要了解情況，唯一的方法是向社會作調(diào)查，調(diào)查社會各階級的生動情況。對于擔負指導(dǎo)工作的人來說，有計劃地抓住幾個城市、幾個鄉(xiāng)村，用馬克思主義的基本觀點，即階級分析的方法，作幾次周密的調(diào)查，乃是了解情況的最基本的方法。
　　The only way to know conditions is to make social investigations, to investigate the conditions of each social class in real life. For those charged with directing work, the basic method for knowing conditions is to concentrate on a few cities and villages according to a plan and, using the fundamental viewpoint of Marxism, i.e., the method of class analysis, make a number of thorough investigations.

　　　　《“農(nóng)村調(diào)查”的序言和跋》（一九四一年三月、四月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第七八九頁
　　　　 "Preface and Postscript to Rural Surveys" (March and April 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 11.*

開調(diào)查會每次人不必多，三五個七八個人即夠。必須給予時間，必須有調(diào)查綱目，還必須自己口問手寫，并同到會人展開討論。因此，沒有滿腔的熱忱，沒有眼睛向下的決心，沒有求知的渴望，沒有放下臭架子、甘當小學生的精神，是一定不能做，也一定做不好的。
　　A fact-finding meeting need not be large; from three to five or seven or eight people are enough. Ample time must be allowed and an outline for the investigation must be prepared; furthermore, one must personally ask questions, take notes and have discussions with those at the meeting. Therefore one certainly cannot make an investigation, or do it well, without zeal, a determination to direct one's eyes downward and a thirst for knowledge, and without shedding the ugly mantle of pretentiousness and becoming a willing pupil.

　　　　《“農(nóng)村調(diào)查”的序言和跋》（一九四一年三月、四月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第七九零頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 12.

指揮員的正確的部署來源于正確的決心，正確的決心來源于正確的判斷，正確的判斷來源于周到的和必要的偵察，和對于各種偵察材料的聯(lián)貫起來的思索。指揮員使用一切可能的和必要的偵察手段，將偵察得來的敵方情況的各種材料加以去粗取精、去偽存真、由此及彼、由表及里的思索，然后將自己方面的情況加上去，研究雙方的對比和相互的關(guān)系，因而構(gòu)成判斷，定下決心，作出計劃，——這是軍事家在作出每一個戰(zhàn)略、戰(zhàn)役或戰(zhàn)斗的計劃之前的一個整個的認識情況的過程。
　　A commander's correct dispositions stem from his correct decisions, his correct decisions stem from his correct judgements, and his correct judgements stem from a thorough and necessary reconnaissance and from pondering on and piecing together the data of various kinds gathered through reconnaissance. He applies all possible and necessary methods of reconnaissance, and ponders on the information gathered about the enemy's situation, discarding the dross and selecting the essential, eliminating the false and retaining the true, proceeding from the one to the other and from the outside to the inside; then, he takes the conditions on his own side into account, and makes a study of both sides and their interrelations, thereby forming his judgements, making up his mind and working out his plans. Such is the complete process of knowing a situation which a military man goes through before he formulates a strategic plan, a campaign plan or a battle plan.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一七三頁
　　　　 "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I. p. 188.

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二十四、糾正錯誤思想
24. CORRECTING MISTAKEN IDEAS
　　　　

即使我們的工作得到了極其偉大的成績，也沒有任何值得驕傲自大的理由。虛心使人進步，驕傲使人落后，我們應(yīng)當永遠記住這個真理。
　　Even if we achieve gigantic successes in our work, there is no reason whatsoever to feel conceited and arrogant. Modesty helps one to go forward, whereas conceit makes one lag behind. This is a truth we must always bear in mind.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會開幕詞》（一九五六年九月十五日），《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會文獻》第九——一零頁
　　　　 "Opening Address at the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China" (September 15, 1956).

因為勝利，黨內(nèi)的驕傲情緒，以功臣自居的情緒，停頓起來不求進步的情緒，貪圖享樂不愿再過艱苦生活的情緒，可能生長。因為勝利，人民感謝我們，資產(chǎn)階級也會出來捧場。敵人的武力是不能征服我們的，這點已經(jīng)得到證明了。資產(chǎn)階級的捧場則可能征服我們隊伍中的意志薄弱者。可能有這樣一些共產(chǎn)黨人，他們是不曾被拿槍的敵人征服過的，他們在這些敵人面前不愧英雄的稱號；但是經(jīng)不起人們用糖衣裹著的炮彈的攻擊，他們在糖彈面前要打敗仗。我們必須預(yù)防這種情況。
　　With victory, certain moods may grow within the Party - arrogance, the airs of a self-styled hero, inertia and unwillingness to make progress, love of pleasure and distaste for continued hard living. With victory, the people will be grateful to us and the bourgeoisie will come forward to flatter us. It has been proved that the enemy cannot conquer us by force of arms. However, the flattery of the bourgeoisie may conquer the weak-willed in our ranks. There may be some Communists, who were not conquered by enemies with guns and were worthy of the name of heroes for standing up to these enemies, but who cannot withstand sugar-coated bullets; they will be defeated by sugar-coated bullets. We must guard against such a situation.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨第七屆中央委員會第二次全體會議上的報告》（一九四九年三月五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四三九頁
　　　　 "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374.

有許多的東西，只要我們對它們陷入盲目性，缺乏自覺性，就可能成為我們的包袱，成為我們的負擔。例如：犯過錯誤，可以使人覺得自己反正是犯了錯誤的，從此萎靡不振；未犯錯誤，也可以使人覺得自己是未犯過錯誤的，從此驕傲起來。工作無成績，可以使人悲觀喪氣；工作有成績，又可以使人趾高氣揚。斗爭歷史短的，可以因其短而不負責任；斗爭歷史長的，可以因其長而自以為是。工農(nóng)分子，可以自己的光榮出身傲視知識分子；知識分子，又可以自己有某些知識傲視工農(nóng)分子。各種業(yè)務(wù)專長，都可以成為高傲自大輕視旁人的資本。甚至年齡也可以成為驕傲的工具：青年人可以因為自己聰明能干而看不起老年人，老年人又可以因為自己富有經(jīng)驗而看不起青年人。對于諸如此類的東西，如果沒有自覺性，那它們就會成為負擔或包袱。
　　Many things may become baggage, may become encumbrances if we cling to them blindly and uncritically. Let us take some illustrations. Having made mistakes, you may feel that, come what may, you are saddled with them and so become dispirited; if you have not made mistakes, you may feel that you are free from error and so become conceited. Lack of achievement in work may breed pessimism and depression, while achievement may breed pride and arrogance. A comrade with a short record of struggle may shirk responsibility on this account, while a veteran may become opinionated because of his long record of struggle. Worker and peasant comrades, because of pride in their class origin, may look down upon intellectuals, while intellectuals, because they have a certain amount of knowledge, may look down upon worker and peasant comrades. Any specialized skill may be capitalized on and so may lead to arrogance and contempt of others. Even one's age may become ground for conceit. The young, because they are bright and capable, may look down upon the old; and the old, because they are rich in experience, may look down upon the young. All such things become encumbrances or baggage if there is no critical awareness.

　　　　《學習和時局》（一九四四年四月十二日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九五一頁
　　　　 "Our Study and the Current Situation" (April 12, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 173.*

一部分軍隊工作同志養(yǎng)成了一種驕氣，對士兵，對人民，對政府，對黨，橫蠻不講理，只責備做地方工作的同志，不責備自己，只看見成績，不看見缺點，只愛聽恭維話，不愛聽批評話�！�…軍隊必須注意克服這種毛病。
　　Some comrades in the army have become arrogant and high-handed in their behaviour towards the soldiers, the people, the government and the Party, always blaming the comrades doing local work but never themselves, always seeing their own achievements but never their own shortcomings, and always welcoming flattery but never criticism.... the army must endeavour to eradicate these faults.

　　　　《組織起來》（一九四三年十一月二十九日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九三七頁
　　　　 "Get Organized!" (November 29, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 159.*

艱苦的工作就像擔子，擺在我們的面前，看我們敢不敢承擔。擔子有輕有重。有的人拈輕怕重，把重擔子推給人家，自己揀輕的挑。這就不是好的態(tài)度。有的同志不是這樣，享受讓給人家，擔子揀重的挑，吃苦在別人前頭，享受在別人后頭。這樣的同志就是好同志。這種共產(chǎn)主義者的精神，我們都要學習。
　　Hard work is like a load placed before us, challenging us to shoulder it. Some loads are light, some heavy. Some people prefer the light to the heavy; they pick the light and shove the heavy on to others. That is not a good attitude. Some comrades are different; they leave ease and comfort to others and take the heavy loads themselves; they are the first to bear hardships the last to enjoy comforts. They are good comrades. We should all learn from their communist spirit.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一六零頁
　　　　 "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 58.*

不少的人對工作不負責任，拈輕怕重，把重擔子推給人家，自己挑輕的。一事當前，先替自己打算，然后再替別人打算。出了一點力就覺得了不起，喜歡自吹，生怕人家不知道。對同志對人民不是滿腔熱忱，而是冷冷清清，漠不關(guān)心，麻木不仁。這種人其實不是共產(chǎn)黨員，至少不能算一個純粹的共產(chǎn)黨員。
　　There are not a few people who are irresponsible in their work, preferring the light to the heavy, shoving the heavy loads on to others and choosing the easy ones for themselves. At every turn they think of themselves before others. When they make some small contribution, they swell with pride and brag about it for fear that others will not know. They feel no warmth towards comrades and the people but are cold, indifferent and apathetic. In fact such people are not Communists, or at least cannot be counted as true Communists.

　　　　《紀念白求恩》（一九三九年十二月二十一日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六五三——六五四頁
　　　　 "In Memory of Norman Bethune" (December 21, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 337-38.*

鬧這類獨立性的人，常常跟他們的個人第一主義分不開，他們在個人和黨的關(guān)系問題上，往往是不正確的。他們在口頭上雖然也說尊重黨，但他們在實際上卻把個人放在第一位，把黨放在第二位。劉少奇同志曾經(jīng)說過，有意中人的手特別長，很會替自己打算，至于別人的利益和全黨利益，那是不大關(guān)心的。“我的就是我的，你的還是我的�！保ù笮Γ┻@種人鬧什么東西呢？鬧名譽，鬧地位，鬧出風頭。在他們掌管一部分事業(yè)的時候，就要鬧獨立性。為了這些，就要拉攏一些人，排擠一些人，在同志中吹吹拍拍，拉拉扯扯，把資產(chǎn)階級政黨的庸俗作風也搬進共產(chǎn)黨里來了。這種人的吃虧在于不老實。我想，我們應(yīng)該是老老實實地辦事；在世界上要辦成幾件事，沒有老實態(tài)度是根本不行的。
　　Those who assert this kind of "independence" are usually wedded to the doctrine of "me first" and are generally wrong on the question of the relationship between the individual and the Party. Although in words they profess respect for the Party, in practice they put themselves first and the Party second. Comrade Liu Shao-chi once said of certain people that they have unusually long arms and are very clever in looking after their own interests, but pay little heed to the interests of others and of the party as a whole. “What's mine is mine, and what’s yours is mine too.” (Loud laugbter.) What are these people after? They are after fame and position and want to be in the limelight. Whenever they are put in charge of a branch of work, they assert their "independence". With this aim, they draw some people in, push others out and resort to boasting, flattery and touting among-the comrades, thus importing the vulgar style of the bourgeois political parties into the Communist Party. It is their dishonesty that causes them to come to grief. I believe we should do things honestly, for without an honest attitude it is absolutely impossible to accomplish anything in this world.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二三——八二四頁
　　　　

共產(chǎn)黨員必須懂得以局部需要服從全局需要這一個道理。如果某項意見在局部的情形看來是可行的，而在全局的情形看來是不可行的，就應(yīng)以局部服從全局。反之也是一樣，在局部的情形看來是不可行的，而在全局的情形看來是可行的，也應(yīng)以局部服從全局。這就是照顧全局的觀點。
　　They [Communists] must grasp the principle of subordinating the needs of the part to the needs of the whole. If a proposal appears feasible for a partial situation but not for the situation as a whole, then the part must give way to the whole. Conversely, if the proposal is not feasible for the part but is feasible in the light of the situation as a whole, again the part must give way to the whole. This is what is meant by considering the situation as a whole.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一三——五一四頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 201.

享樂主義。個人主義見于享樂方面的，在紅軍中也有不少的人。他們總是希望隊伍開到大城市去。他們要到大城市不是為了去工作，而是為了去享樂。他們最不樂意的是在生活艱難的紅色區(qū)域里工作。
　　Pleasure-seeking. In the Red Army there are also quite a few people whose individualism finds expression in pleasure-seeking. They always hope that their unit will march into big cities. They want to go there not to work but to enjoy themselves. The last thing they want is to work in the Red areas where life is hard.

　　　　《關(guān)于糾正黨內(nèi)的錯誤思想》（一九二九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第九六頁
　　　　 "On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party" (December 1929), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 113.

必須反對只顧自己不顧別人的本位主義的傾向。誰要是對別人的困難不管，別人要調(diào)他所屬的干部不給，或以壞的送人，“以鄰為壑”，全不為別部、別地、別人想一想，這樣的人就叫做本位主義者，這就是完全失掉了共產(chǎn)主義的精神。不顧大局，對別部、別地、別人漠不關(guān)心，就是這種本位主義者的特點。對于這樣的人，必須加重教育，使他們懂得這就是一種宗派主義的傾向，如果發(fā)展下去，是很危險的。
　　We must oppose the tendency towards selfish departmentalism by which the interests of one's own unit are looked after to the exclusion of those of others. Whoever is indifferent to the difficulties of others, refuses to transfer cadres to other units on request, or releases only the inferior ones, "using the neighbour's field as an outlet for his overflow", and does not give the slightest consideration to other departments, localities or people - such a person is a selfish departmentalist who has entirely lost the spirit of communism. Lack of consideration for the whole and complete indifference to other departments, localities and people are characteristics of a selfish departmentalist. We must intensify our efforts to educate such persons and to make them understand that selfish departmentalism is a sectarian tendency which will become very dangerous, if allowed to develop.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二五——八二六頁
　　　　 "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" (February 1, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 46.

自由主義有各種表現(xiàn)。

　　因為是熟人、同鄉(xiāng)、同學、知心朋友、親愛者、老同事、老部下，明知不對，也不同他們作原則上的爭論，任其下去，求得和平和親熱。或者輕描淡寫地說一頓，不作徹底解決，保持一團和氣。結(jié)果是有害于團體，也有害于個人。這是第一種。
　　

　　不負責任的背后批評，不是積極地向組織建議。當面不說，背后亂說；開會不說，會后亂說。心目中沒有集體生活的原則，只有自由放任。這是第二種。

　　事不關(guān)己，高高掛起；明知不對，少說為佳；明哲保身，但求無過。這是第三種。

　　命令不服從，個人意見第一。只要組織照顧，不要組織紀律。這是第四種。

　　不是為了團結(jié)，為了進步，為了把事情弄好，向不正確的意見斗爭和爭論，而是個人攻擊，鬧意氣，泄私憤，圖報復(fù)。這是第五種。

　　聽了不正確的議論也不爭辯，甚至聽了反革命分子的話也不報告，泰然處之，行若無事。這是第六種。

　　見群眾不宣傳，不鼓動，不演說，不調(diào)查，不詢問，不關(guān)心其痛癢，漠然置之，忘記了自己是一個共產(chǎn)黨員，把一個共產(chǎn)黨員混同于一個普通的老百姓。這是第七種。

　　見損害群眾利益的行為不憤恨，不勸告，不制止，不解釋，聽之任之。這是第八種。

　　辦事不認真，無一定計劃，無一定方向，敷衍了事，得過且過，做一天和尚撞一天鐘。這是第九種。

　　自以為對革命有功，擺老資格，大事做不來，小事又不做，工作隨便，學習松懈。這是第十種。

　　自己錯了，也已經(jīng)懂得，又不想改正，自己對自己采取自由主義。這是第十一種。
　　Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly, so as to keep on good terms. The result is that both the organization and the individual are harmed. This is one type of liberalism. To indulge in irresponsible criticism in private instead of actively putting forward one's suggestions to the organization. To say nothing to people to their faces but to gossip behind their backs, or to say nothing at a meeting but to gossip afterwards. To show no regard at all for the principles of collective life but to follow one's own inclination. This is a second type. To let things drift if they do not affect one personally; to say as little as possible while knowing perfectly well what is wrong, to be worldly wise and play safe and seek only to avoid blame. This is a third type. Not to obey orders but to give pride of place to one's own opinions. To demand special consideration from the organization but to reject its discipline. This is a fourth type. To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels, vent personal spite or seek revenge instead of entering into an argument and struggling against incorrect views for the sake of unity or progress or getting the work done properly. This is a fifth type. To hear incorrect views without rebutting them and even to hear counter-revolutionary remarks without reporting them, but instead to take them calmly as if nothing had happened. This is a sixth type. To be among the masses and fail to conduct propaganda and agitation or speak at meetings or conduct investigations and inquiries among them, and instead to be indifferent to them and show no concern for their well-being, forgetting that one is a Communist and behaving as if one were an ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type. To see someone harming the interests of the masses and yet not feel indignant, or dissuade or stop him or reason with him, but to allow him to continue. This is an eighth type. To work half-heartedly without a definite plan or direction; to work perfunctorily and muddle along - "So long as one remains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell." This is a ninth type. To regard oneself as having rendered great service to the revolution, to pride oneself on being a veteran, to disdain minor assignments while being quite unequal to major tasks, to be slipshod in work and slack in study. This is a tenth type. To be aware of one's own mistakes and yet make no attempt to correct them, taking a liberal attitude towards oneself. This is an eleventh type.

　　　　《反對自由主義》（一九三七年九月七日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第三四七——三四八頁
　　　　 "Combat Liberalism" (September 7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 31-32.

革命的集體組織中的自由主義是十分有害的。它是一種腐蝕劑，使團結(jié)渙散，關(guān)系松懈，工作消極，意見分歧。它使革命隊伍失掉嚴密的組織和紀律，政策不能貫徹到底，黨的組織和黨所領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的群眾發(fā)生隔離。這是一種嚴重的惡劣傾向。
　　Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive which eats away unity, undermines cohesion, causes apathy and creates dissension. It robs the revolutionary ranks of compact organization and strict discipline, prevents policies from being carried through and alienates the Party organizations from the masses which the Party leads. It is an extremely bad tendency.

　　　　《反對自由主義》（一九三七年九月七日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第三四八頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 32.

自由主義者以抽象的教條看待馬克思主義的原則。他們贊成馬克思主義，但是不準備實行之，或不準備完全實行之，不準備拿馬克思主義代替自己的自由主義。這些人，馬克思主義是有的，自由主義也是有的：說的是馬克思主義，行的是自由主義；對人是馬克思主義，對己是自由主義。兩樣貨色齊備，各有各的用處。這是一部分人的思想方法。
　　People who are liberals look upon the principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism, but are not prepared to practise it or to practise it in full; they are not prepared to replace their liberalism by Marxism. These people have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism as well - they talk Marxism but practise liberalism; they apply Marxism to others but liberalism to themselves. They keep both kinds of goods in stock and find a use for each. This is how the minds of certain people work.

　　　　《反對自由主義》（一九三七年九月七日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第三四九頁
　　　　 Ibid., pp. 32-33

人民的國家是保護人民的。有了人民的國家，人民才有可能在全國范圍內(nèi)和全體規(guī)模上，用民主的方法，教育自己和改造自己，使自己脫離內(nèi)外反動派的影響（這個影響現(xiàn)在還是很大的，并將在長時期內(nèi)存在著，不能很快地消滅），改造自己從舊社會得來的壞習慣和壞思想，不使自己走入反動派指引的錯誤路上去，并繼續(xù)前進，向著社會主義社會和共產(chǎn)主義社會前進。
　　The people's state protects the people. Only when the people have such a state can they educate and remould themselves by democratic methods on a country-wide scale, with everyone taking part, and shake off the influence of domestic and foreign reactionaries (which is still very strong, will survive for a long time and cannot be quickly destroyed), rid themselves of the bad habits and ideas acquired in the old society, not allow themselves to be led astray by the reactionaries, and continue to advance - to advance towards a socialist and communist society.

　　　　《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六人三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八一頁
　　　　 "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949). Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 418.*

一個人做點好事并不難，難的是一輩子做好事，不做壞事，一貫的有益于廣大群眾，一貫的有益于青年，一貫的有益于革命，艱苦奮斗幾十年如一日，這才是最難最難的呵！
　　It is not hard for one to do a bit of good. What is hard is to do good all one's life and never do anything bad, to act consistently in the interests of the broad masses, the young people and the revolution, and to engage in arduous struggle for decades on end. That is the hardest thing of all!

　　　　《吳玉章同志六十壽辰祝詞》（一九四零年一月十五日），一九四零年一月二十四日《新中華報》
　　　　 "Message of Greetings on the 60th Birthday of Comrade Wu Yu-chang" (January 15, 1940).

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二十五、團結(jié)
25. UNITY
　　　　

國家的統(tǒng)一，人民的團結(jié)，國內(nèi)各民族的團結(jié)，這是我們的事業(yè)必定要勝利的基本保證。
　　The unification of our country, the unity of our people and the unity of our various nationalities - these are the basic guarantees of the sure triumph of our cause.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第一頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957). 1st pocket ed., pp. 1-2.

只有經(jīng)過共產(chǎn)黨的團結(jié)，才能達到全階級和全民族的團結(jié)，只有經(jīng)過全階級全民族的團結(jié)，才能戰(zhàn)勝敵人，完成民族和民主革命的任務(wù)。
　　It is only through the unity of the Communist Party that the unity of the whole class and the whole nation can be achieved, and it is only through the unity of the whole class and the whole nation that the enemy can be defeated and the national and democratic revolution accomplished.

　　　　《為爭取千百萬群眾進入抗日民族統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線而斗爭》（一九三七年五月七日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二六九頁
　　　　"Win the Masses in Their Millions for the Anti-Japanese National United Front" (May 7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 292.*

我們要把我們黨的一切力量在民主集中制的組織和紀律的原則之下，堅強地團結(jié)起來。不論什么同志，只要他是愿意服從黨綱、黨章和黨的決議的，我們就要和他團結(jié)。
　　We shall solidly unite all the forces of our Party on democratic centralist principles of organization and discipline. We shall unite with any comrade if he abides by the Party's Programme, Constitution and decisions.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九八頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 317.*

在一九四二年，我們曾經(jīng)把解決人民內(nèi)部矛盾的這種民主的方法，具體化為一個公式，叫做“團結(jié)——批評——團結(jié)”。講詳細一點，就是從團結(jié)的愿望出發(fā)，經(jīng)過批評或者斗爭使矛盾得到解決，從而在新的基礎(chǔ)上達到新的團結(jié)。按照我們的經(jīng)驗，這是解決人民內(nèi)部矛盾的一個正確的方法。
　　This democratic method of resolving contradictions among the people was epitomized in 1942 in the formula "unity, criticism, unity". To elaborate, it means starting from the desire for unity, resolving contradictions through criticism or struggle and arriving at a new unity on a new basis. In our experience this is the correct method of resolving contradictions among the people.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第六——七頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 12.

這個軍隊有一個很好的內(nèi)部和外部的團結(jié)。在內(nèi)部——官兵之間，上下級之間，軍事工作、政治工作和后勤工作之間；在外部——軍民之間，軍政之間，我友之間，都是團結(jié)一致的。一切妨害團結(jié)的現(xiàn)象，都在必須克服之列。
　　This [our] army has achieved remarkable unity in its own ranks and with those outside its ranks. Internally, there is unity between officers and men, between the higher and lower ranks, and between military work, political work and rear service work; and externally, there is unity between the army and the people, between the army and government organizations, and between our army and the friendly armies. It is imperative to overcome anything that impairs this unity.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零三九頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 264.*

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二十六、紀律
26. DISCIPLINE
　　　　

在人民內(nèi)部，民主是對集中而言，自由是對紀律而言。這些都是一個統(tǒng)一體的兩個矛盾著的側(cè)面，它們們是矛盾的，又是統(tǒng)一的，我們不應(yīng)當片面地強調(diào)某一個側(cè)面而否定另一個側(cè)面。在人民內(nèi)部，不可以沒有自由，也不可以沒有紀律；不可以沒有民主，也不可以沒有集中。這種民主和集中的統(tǒng)一，自由和紀律的統(tǒng)一，就是我們的民主集中制。在這個制度下，人民享受著廣泛的民主和自由；同時又必須用社會主義的紀律約束自己。
　　Within the ranks of the people, democracy is correlative with centralism and freedom with discipline. They are the two opposites of a single entity, contradictory as well as united, and we should not one-sidedly emphasize one to the denial of the other. Within the ranks of the people, we cannot do without freedom, nor can we do without discipline; we cannot do without democracy, nor can we do without centralism. This unity of democracy and centralism, of freedom and discipline, constitutes our democratic centralism. Under this system, the people enjoy extensive democracy and freedom, but at the same time they have to keep within the bounds of socialist discipline.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第五——六頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 10-11.

必須重申黨的紀律：（一）個人服從組織；（二）少數(shù)服從多數(shù)；（三）下級服從上級；（四）全黨服從中央。誰破壞了這些紀律，誰就破壞了黨的統(tǒng)一。
　　We must affirm anew the discipline of the Party, namely:
(1) the individual is subordinate to the organization;
(2) the minority is subordinate to the majority;
(3) the lower level is subordinate to the higher level; and
(4) the entire membership is subordinate to the Central Committee.
Whoever violates these articles of discipline disrupts Party unity.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一六頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 203-04.*

黨的紀律之一是少數(shù)服從多數(shù)。少數(shù)人在自己的意見被否決之后，必須擁護多數(shù)人所通過的決議。除必要時得在下一次會議再提出討論外，不得在行動上有任何反對的表示。
　　One requirement of Party discipline is that the minority should submit to the majority. If the view of the minority has been rejected, it must support the decision passed by the majority. If necessary, it can bring up the matter for reconsideration at the next meeting, but apart from that it must not act against the decision in any way.

　　　　《關(guān)于糾正黨內(nèi)的錯誤思想》（一九二九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第九二頁
　　　　 "On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party" (December 1929), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 110.

三大紀律如下：
　�。ㄒ唬┮磺行袆勇犞笓]；（二）不拿群眾一針一線；（三）一切繳獲要歸公。
　　八項注意如下：
　�。ㄒ唬┱f話和氣；（二）買賣公平；（三）借東西要還；（四）損壞東西要賠；（五）不打人罵人；（六）不損壞莊稼；（七）不調(diào)戲婦女；（八）不虐待俘虜。
　　The Three Main Rules of Discipline are as follows:
(1) Obey orders in all your actions.
(2) Do not take a single needle piece of thread from the masses.
(3) Turn in everything captured.
The Eight Points for Attention are as follows:
(1) Speak politely.
(2) Pay fairly for what you buy.
(3) Return everything you borrow.
(4) Pay for anything you damage.
(5) Do not hit or swear at people.
(6) Do not damage crops.
(7) Do not take liberties with women.
(8) Do not ill-treat captives.

　　　　《中國人民解放軍總部關(guān)于重行頒布三大紀律八項注意的訓令》（一九四七年十月十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二四一頁
　　　　 "On the Reissue of the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention - Instruction of the General Headquarters of the Chinese People's Liberation Army" (October 10, 1947), Selected Military Writings, 2nd ed., p. 343.

必須提高紀律性，堅決執(zhí)行命令，執(zhí)行政策，執(zhí)行三大紀律八項注意，軍民一致，軍政一致，官兵一致，全軍一致，不允許任何破壞紀律的現(xiàn)象存在。
　　They [all officers and soldiers of our army] must heighten their sense of discipline and resolutely carry out orders, carry out our policy, carry out the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention - with army and people united, army and government united, officers and soldiers united, and the whole army united - and permit no breach of discipline.

　　　　《中國人民解放軍宣言》（一九四七年十月），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一二三九頁
　　　　 "Manifesto of the Chinese People's Liberation Army" (October 1947), Selected Military Writings, 2nd ed., p. 340.

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共產(chǎn)黨是不怕批評的，因為我們是馬克思主義者，真理是在我們方面，工農(nóng)基本群眾是在我們方面。
　　The Communist Party does not fear criticism because we are Marxists, the truth is on our side, and the basic masses, the workers and peasants, are on our side.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一一頁
　　　　"Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14.

徹底的唯物主義者是無所畏懼的，我們希望一切同我們共同奮斗的人能夠勇敢地負起責任，克服困難，不要怕挫折，不要怕有人議論譏笑，也不要怕向我們共產(chǎn)黨人提批評建議。“舍得一身剮，敢把皇帝拉下馬”，我們在為社會主義共產(chǎn)主義而斗爭的時候，必須有這種大無畏的精神。
　　Thoroughgoing materialists are fearless; we hope that all our fellow fighters will courageously shoulder their responsibilities and overcome all difficulties, fearing no setbacks or gibes, nor hesitating to criticize us Communists and give us their suggestions. "He who is not afraid of death by a thousand cuts dares to unhorse the emperor" - this is the indomitable spirit needed in our struggle to build socialism and communism.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第一二——一三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 16.

我們有批評和自我批評這個馬克思列寧主義的武器。我們能夠去掉不良作風，保持優(yōu)良作風。
　　We have the Marxist-Leninist weapon of criticism and self-criticism. We can get rid of a bad style and keep the good.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨第七屆中央委員會第二次全體會議上的報告》（一九四九年三月五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四四零頁
　　　　 "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374.

有無認真的自我批評，也是我們和其他政黨互相區(qū)別的顯著的標志之一。我們曾經(jīng)說過，房子是應(yīng)該經(jīng)常打掃的，不打掃就會積滿了灰塵；臉是應(yīng)該經(jīng)常洗的，不洗也就會灰塵滿面。我們同志的思想，我們黨的工作，也會沾染灰塵的，也應(yīng)該打掃和洗滌。“流水不腐，戶樞不蠹”，是說它們在不停的運動中抵抗了微生物或其他生物的侵蝕。對于我們，經(jīng)常地檢討工作，在檢討中推廣民主作風，不懼怕批評和自我批評，實行“知無不言，言無不盡”，“言者無罪，聞?wù)咦憬洹�，“有則改之，無則加勉”這些中國人民的有益的格言，正是抵抗各種政治灰塵和政治微生物侵蝕我們同志的思想和我們黨的肌體的唯一有效的方法。
　　Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties. As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also collect dust, and also need sweeping and washing. The proverb "Running water is never stale and a door-hinge is never worm-eaten" means that constant motion prevents the inroads of germs and other organisms. To check up regularly on our work and in the process develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good popular Chinese maxims as "Say all you know and say it without reserve", "Blame not the speaker but be warned by his words" and "Correct mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if you have not" - this is the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our comrades and the body of our Party.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九七頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 316-17.

黨內(nèi)不同思想的對立和斗爭是經(jīng)常發(fā)生的，這是社會的階級矛盾和新舊事物的矛盾在黨內(nèi)的反映。黨內(nèi)如果沒有矛盾和解決矛盾的思想斗爭，黨的生命也就停止了。
　　Opposition and struggle between ideas of different kinds constantly occur within the Party; this is a reflection within the Party of contradictions between classes and between the new and the old in society. If there were no contradictions in the Party and no ideological struggles to resolve them, the Party's life would come to an end.

　　　　《矛盾論》（一九三七年八月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二九四頁
　　　　 "On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 317.

我們主張積極的思想斗爭，因為它是達到黨內(nèi)和革命團體內(nèi)的團結(jié)使之利于戰(zhàn)斗的武器。每個共產(chǎn)黨員和革命分子，應(yīng)該拿起這個武器。
　　但是自由主義取消思想斗爭，主張無原則的和平，結(jié)果是腐朽庸俗的作風發(fā)生，使黨和革命團體的某些組織和某些個人在政治上腐化起來。
　　We stand for active ideological struggle because it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the Party and the revolutionary organizations in the interest of our fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon.
　　But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude and bringing about political degeneration in certain units and individuals in the Party and the revolutionary organizations.

　　　　《反對自由主義》（一九三七年九月七日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第三四七頁
　　　　 "Combat Liberalism" (September 7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 31.

我們反對主觀主義、宗派主義、黨八股，有兩條宗旨是必須注意的：第一是“懲前毖后”，第二是“治病救人”。對以前的錯誤一定要揭發(fā)，不講情面，要以科學的態(tài)度來分析批判過去的壞東西，以便使后來的工作慎重些，做得好些。這就是“懲前毖后”的意思。但是我們揭發(fā)錯誤、批判缺點的目的，好像醫(yī)生治病一樣，完全是為了救人，而不是為了把人整死。一個人發(fā)了闌尾炎，醫(yī)生把闌尾割了，這個人就救出來了。任何犯錯誤的人，只要他不諱疾忌醫(yī)，不固執(zhí)錯誤，以至于達到不可救藥的地步，而是老老實實，真正愿意醫(yī)治，愿意改正，我們就要歡迎他，把他的毛病治好，使他變?yōu)橐粋�好同志。這個工作決不是痛快一時，亂打一頓，所能奏效的。對待思想上的毛病和政治上的毛病，決不能采用魯莽的態(tài)度，必須采用“治病救人”的態(tài)度，才是正確有效的方法。
　　In opposing subjectivism, sectarianism and stereotyped Party writing we must have in mind two purposes: first, "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones", and second, "cure the sickness to save the patient". The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone's sensibilities; it is necessary to analyse and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones". But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death. A person with appendicitis is saved when the surgeon removes his appendix. So long as a person who has made mistakes does not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he honestly and sincerely wishes to be cured and to mend his ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that he can become a good comrade. We can never succeed if we just let ourselves go and lash out at him. In treating an ideological or a political malady, one must never be rough and rash but must adopt the approach of "curing the sickness to save the patient", which is the only correct and effective method.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二九——八三零頁
　　　　 "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" (February 1, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 50.*

關(guān)于黨內(nèi)批評問題，還有一點要說及的，就是有些同志的批評不注意大的方面，只注意小的方面。他們不明白批評的主要任務(wù)，是指出政治上的錯誤和組織上的錯誤。至于個人缺點，如果不是與政治的和組織的錯誤有聯(lián)系，則不必多所指摘，使同志們無所措手足。而且這種批評一發(fā)展，黨內(nèi)精神完全集注到小的缺點方面，人人變成了謹小慎微的君子，就會忘記黨的政治任務(wù)，這是很大的危險。
　　Another point that should be mentioned in connection with inner-Party criticism is that some comrades ignore the major issues and confine their attention to minor points when they make their criticism. They do not understand that the main task of criticism is to point out political and organizational mistakes. As to personal shortcomings, unless they are related to political and organizational mistakes, there is no need to be overcritical or the comrades concerned will be at a loss as to what to do. Moreover, once such criticism develops, there is the great danger that within the Party attention will be concentrated exclusively on minor faults, and everyone will become timid and overcautious and forget the Party's political tasks.

　　　　《關(guān)于糾正黨內(nèi)的錯誤思想》（一九二九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第九四頁
　　　　 "On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party" (December 1929), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 111-12.*

黨內(nèi)批評要防止主觀武斷和把批評庸俗化，說話要有證據(jù)，批評要注意政治。
　　In inner-Party criticism, guard against subjectivism, arbitrariness and the vulgarization of criticism; statements should be based on facts and criticism should stress the political side.

　　　　《關(guān)于糾正黨內(nèi)的錯誤思想》（一九二九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第九五頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 112.*

黨內(nèi)批評是堅強黨的組織、增加黨的戰(zhàn)斗力的武器。但是紅軍黨內(nèi)的批評有些不是這樣，變成了攻擊個人。其結(jié)果，不但毀壞了個人，也毀壞了黨的組織。這是小資產(chǎn)階級個人主義的表現(xiàn)。糾正的方法，在于使黨員明白批評的目的是增加黨的戰(zhàn)斗力以達到階級斗爭的勝利，不應(yīng)當利用批評去做攻擊個人的工具。
　　Inner-Party criticism is a weapon for strengthening the Party organization and increasing its fighting capacity. In the Party organization of the Red Army, however, criticism is not always of this character, and sometimes turns into personal attack. As a result, it damages the Party organization as well as individuals. This is a manifestation of petty-bourgeois individualism. The method of correction is to help Party members understand that the purpose of criticism is to increase the Party's fighting capacity in order to achieve victory in the class struggle and that it should not be used as a means of personal attack.

因為我們是為人民服務(wù)的，所以，我們?nèi)绻�有缺點，就不怕別人批評指出。不管是什么人，誰向我們指出都行。只要你說得對，我們就改正。你說的辦法對人民有好處，我們就照你的辦。
　　If we have shortcomings, we are not afraid to have them pointed out and criticized, because we serve the people. Anyone, no matter who, may point out our shortcomings. If he is right, we will correct them. If what he proposes will benefit the people, we will act upon it.

　　　　《為人民服務(wù)》（一九四四年九月八日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零三頁
　　　　 "Serve the People" (September 8, 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, P. 227.

以中國最廣大人民的最大利益為出發(fā)點的中國共產(chǎn)黨人，相信自己的事業(yè)是完全合乎正義的，不惜犧牲自己個人的一切，隨時準備拿出自己的生命去殉我們的事業(yè)，難道還有什么不適合人民需要的思想、觀點、意見、辦法，舍不得丟掉的嗎？難道我們還歡迎任何政治的灰塵、政治的微生物來玷污我們的清潔的面貌和侵蝕我們的健全的肌體嗎？無數(shù)革命先烈為了人民的利益犧牲了他們的生命，使我們每個活著人想起他們就心里難過，難道我們還有什么個人利益不能犧牲，還有什么錯誤不能拋棄嗎？
　　As we Chinese Communists, who base all our actions on the highest interests of the broadest masses of the Chinese people and who are fully convinced of the justice of our cause, never balk at any personal sacrifice and are ready at all times to give our lives for the cause, can we be reluctant to discard any idea, viewpoint, opinion or method which is not suited to the needs of the people? Can we be willing to allow political dust and germs to dirty our clean faces or eat into our healthy organisms? Countless revolutionary martyrs have laid down their lives in the interests of the people, and our hearts are filled with pain as we the living think of them - can there be any personal interest, then, that we would not sacrifice or any error that we would not discard?

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九七——一零九八頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 317.*

我們決不能一見成績就自滿自足起來。我們應(yīng)該抑制自滿，時時批評自己的缺點，好像我們?yōu)榱饲鍧�，為了去掉灰塵，天天要洗臉，天天要掃地一樣。
　　We must not become complacent over any success. We should check our complacency and constantly criticize our shortcomings, just as we should wash our faces or sweep the floor every day to remove the dirt and keep them clean.

　　　　《組織起來》（一九四三年十一月二十九日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九三八頁
　　　　 "Get Organized!" (November 29, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III. p. 160.*

批評要是及時的批評，不要老是愛好事后的批評。
　　As for criticism, do it in good time; don't get into the habit of criticizing only after the event.

　　　　《關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)合作化問題》（一九五五年七月三十一日），人民出版社版第二九頁
　　　　 "On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation" (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., p. 25.

錯誤和挫折教訓了我們，使我們比較地聰明起來了，我們的事情就辦得好一些。任何個人，錯誤總是難免的，我們要求犯得少一點。犯了錯誤則要求改正，改正得越迅速，越徹底，越好。
　　Taught by mistakes and setbacks, we have become wiser and handle our affairs better. It is hard for any political party or person to avoid mistakes, but we should make as few as possible. Once a mistake is made, we should correct it, and the more quickly and thoroughly the better.

　　　　《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八五頁
　　　　 "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422.

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二十八、共產(chǎn)黨員
28. COMMUNISTS
　　　

一個共產(chǎn)黨員，應(yīng)該是襟懷坦白，忠實，積極，以革命利益為第一生命，以個人利益服從革命利益；無論何時何地，堅持正確的原則，同一切不正確的思想和行為作不疲倦的斗爭，用以鞏固黨的集體生活，鞏固黨和群眾的聯(lián)系；關(guān)心黨和群眾比關(guān)心個人為重，關(guān)心他人比關(guān)心自己為重。這樣才算得一個共產(chǎn)黨員。
　　A Communist should have largeness of mind and he should be staunch and active, looking upon the interests of the revolution as his very life and subordinating his personal interests to those of the revolution; always and everywhere he should adhere to principle and wage a tireless struggle against all incorrect ideas and actions, so as to consolidate the collective life of the Party and strengthen the ties between the Party and the masses; he should be more concerned about the Party and the masses than about any individual, and more concerned about others than about himself. Only thus can he be considered a Communist.

　　　　《反對自由主義》（一九三七年九月七日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第三四九頁
　　　　 "Combat Liberalism" (September 7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 33.*

應(yīng)該使每個同志明了，共產(chǎn)黨人的一切言論行動，必須以合乎最廣大人民群眾的最大利益，為最廣大人民群眾所擁護為最高標準。
　　Every comrade must be brought to understand that the supreme test of the words and deeds of a Communist is whether they conform with the highest interests and enjoy the support of the overwhelming majority of the people.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九七頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 316.*

共產(chǎn)黨員無論何時何地都不應(yīng)以個人利益放在第一位，而應(yīng)以個人利益服從于民族的和人民群眾的利益。因此，自私自利，消極怠工，貪污腐化，風頭主義等等，是最可鄙的；而大公無私，積極努力，克已奉公，埋頭苦干的精神，才是可尊敬的。
　　At no time and in no circumstances should a Communist place his personal interests first; he should subordinate them to the interests of the nation and of the masses. Hence, selfishness, slacking, corruption, seeking the limelight, and so on, are most contemptible, while selflessness, working with all one's energy, whole-hearted devotion to public duty, and quiet hard work will command respect.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 198.

共產(chǎn)黨人必須隨時準備堅持真理，因為任何真理都是符合于人民利益的；共產(chǎn)黨人必須隨時準備修正錯誤，因為任何錯誤都是不符合于人民利益的。
　　Communists must be ready at all times to stand up for the truth, because truth is in the interests of the people; Communists must be ready at all times to correct their mistakes, because mistakes are against the interests of the people.

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零九六頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 315.

共產(chǎn)黨員對任何事情都要問一個為什么，都要經(jīng)過自己頭腦的周密思考，想一想它是否合乎實際，是否真有道理，絕對不應(yīng)盲從，絕對不應(yīng)提倡奴隸主義。
　　Communists must always go into the whys and wherefores of anything, use their own heads and carefully think over whether or not it corresponds to reality and is really well founded; on no account should they follow blindly and encourage slavishness.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二九頁
　　　　 "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" (February 1, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 49-50.

要提倡顧全大局。每一個黨員，每一種局部工作，每一項言論或行動，都必須以全黨利益為出發(fā)點，絕對不許可違反這個原則。
　　We should encourage comrades to take the interests of the whole into account. Every Party member, every branch of work, every statement and every action must proceed from the interests of the whole Party; it is absolutely impermissible to violate this principle.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 44.

共產(chǎn)黨員應(yīng)是實事求是的模范，又是具有遠見卓識的模范。因為只有實事求是，才能完成確定的任務(wù)；只有遠見卓識，才能不失前進的方向。
　　Communists should set an example in being practical as well as far-sighted. For only by being practical can they fulfill the appointed tasks, and only far-sightedness can prevent them from losing their bearings in the march forward.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 198.

共產(chǎn)黨員應(yīng)該作到最有遠見，最富于犧牲精神，最堅定，而又最能虛心體會情況，依靠群眾的多數(shù)，得到群眾的擁護。
　　Communists should be the most farsighted, the most self-sacrificing, the most resolute, and the least prejudiced in sizing up situations, and should rely on the majority of the masses and win their support.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在抗日時期的任務(wù)》（一九三七年五月三日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二五四頁
　　　　 "The Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the Period of Resistance to Japan" (May 3, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 274.*

共產(chǎn)黨員又應(yīng)成為學習的模范，他們每天都是民眾的教師，但又每天都是民眾的學生。
　　Communists should set an example in study; at all times they should be pupils of the masses as well as their teachers.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零——五一一頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 198.*

共產(chǎn)黨員在民眾運動中，應(yīng)該是民眾的朋友，而不是民眾的上司，是誨人不倦的教師，而不是官僚主義的政客。
　　Every Communist working in the mass movements should be a friend of the masses and not a boss over them, an indefatigable teacher and not a bureaucratic politician.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　 Ibid.*

共產(chǎn)黨員決不可脫離群眾的多數(shù)，置多數(shù)人的情況于不顧，而率領(lǐng)少數(shù)先進隊伍單獨冒進；必須注意組織先進分子和廣大群眾之間的密切聯(lián)系。這就是照顧多數(shù)的觀點。
　　Communists must never separate themselves from the majority of the people or neglect them by leading only a few progressive contingents in an isolated and rash advance, but must take care to forge close links between the progressive elements and the broad masses. This is what is meant by thinking in terms of the majority.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一四頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 201.*

我們共產(chǎn)黨人好比種子，人民好比土地。我們到了一個地方，就要同那里的人民結(jié)合起來，在人民中間生根、開花。
　　We Communists are like seeds and the people are like the soil. Wherever we go, we must unite with the people, take root and blossom among them.

　　　　《關(guān)于重慶談判》（一九四五年十月十七日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一一六一頁
　　　　 "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 58.

我們共產(chǎn)黨員，無論在什么問題上，一定要能夠同群眾相結(jié)合。如果我們的黨員，一生一世坐在房子里不出去，不經(jīng)風雨，不見世面，這種黨員，對于中國人民究竟有什么好處沒有呢？一點好處也沒有的，我們不需要這樣的人做黨員。我們共產(chǎn)黨員應(yīng)該經(jīng)風雨，見世面；這個風雨，就是群眾斗爭的大風雨，這個世面，就是群眾斗爭的大世面。
　　We Communists must be able to integrate ourselves with the masses in all things. If our Party members spend their whole lives sitting indoors and never go out to face the world and brave the storm, what good will they be to the Chinese people? None at all, and we do not need such people as Party members. We Communists ought to face the world and brave the storm the great world of mass struggle and the mighty storm of mass struggle.

　　　　《組織起來》（一九四三年十一月二十九日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九三六頁
　　　　 "Get Organized!" (November 29, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 158.

共產(chǎn)黨員的先鋒作用和模范作用是十分重要的。共產(chǎn)黨員在八路軍和新四軍中，應(yīng)該成為英勇作戰(zhàn)的模范，執(zhí)行命令的模范，遵守紀律的模范，政治工作的模范和內(nèi)部團結(jié)統(tǒng)一的模范。
　　The exemplary vanguard role of the Communists is of vital importance. Communists in the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies should set an example in fighting bravely, carrying out orders, observing discipline, doing political work and fostering internal unity and solidarity.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 197.*

共產(chǎn)黨員決不可自以為是，盛氣凌人，以為自己是什么都好，別人是什么都不好；決不可把自己關(guān)在小房子里，自吹自擂，稱王稱霸。
　　A Communist must never be opinionated or domineering, thinking that he is good in everything while others are good in nothing; he must never shut himself up in his little room, or brag and boast and lord it over others.

　　　　《在陜甘寧邊區(qū)參議會的演說》（一九四一年十一月二十一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八一一頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Assembly of Representatives of the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region" (November 21, 1941), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 33.*

共產(chǎn)黨員必須傾聽黨外人士的意見，給別人以說話的機會。別人說得對的，我們應(yīng)該歡迎，并要跟別人的長處學習；別人說得不對，也應(yīng)該讓別人說完，然后慢慢加以解釋。
　　Communists must listen attentively to the views of people outside the Party and let them have their say. If what they say is right, we ought to welcome it, and we should learn from their strong points; if it is wrong, we should let them finish what they are saying and then patiently explain things to them.

　　　　《在陜甘寧邊區(qū)參議會的演說》（一九四一年十一月二十一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八一一頁
　　　　 Ibid.

共產(chǎn)黨員對于在工作中犯過錯誤的人們，除了不可救藥者外，不是采取排斥態(tài)度，而是采取規(guī)勸態(tài)度，使之翻然改進，棄舊圖新。
　　The attitude of Communists towards any person who has made mistakes in his work should be one of persuasion in order to help him change and start afresh and not one of exclusion, unless he is incorrigible.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 198.

共產(chǎn)黨員對于落后的人們的態(tài)度，不是輕視他們，看不起他們，而是親近他們，團結(jié)他們，說服他們，鼓勵他們前進。
　　As for people who are politically backward, Communists should not slight or despise them, but should befriend them, unite with them, convince them and encourage them to go forward.
― Ibid.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一零頁
　　　　Ibid.

<返回目錄>

二十九、干部
29. CADRES
　　　　

為了保證我們的黨和國家不改變顏色，我們不僅需要正確的路線和政策，而且需要培養(yǎng)和造就千百萬無產(chǎn)階級革命事業(yè)的接班人。
　　培養(yǎng)無產(chǎn)階級革命事業(yè)接班人的問題從根本上來說，就是老一代無產(chǎn)階級革命家所開創(chuàng)的馬克思列寧主義的革命事業(yè)是不是后繼有人的問題，就是將來我們黨和國家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能不能繼續(xù)掌握在無產(chǎn)階級革命家手中的問題，就是我們的子孫后代能不能沿著馬克思列寧主義的正確道路繼續(xù)前進的問題，也就是我們能不能勝利地防止赫魯曉夫修正主義在中國重演的問題�？傊�，這是關(guān)系我們黨和國家命運的生死存亡的極其重大的問題。這是無產(chǎn)階級革命事業(yè)的百年大計，千年大計，萬年大計。帝國主義的預(yù)言家們根據(jù)蘇聯(lián)發(fā)生的變化，也把“和平演變”的希望，寄托在中國黨的第三代或者第四代身上。我們一定要使帝國主義的這種預(yù)言徹底破產(chǎn)。我們一定要從上到下地、普遍地、經(jīng)常不斷地注意培養(yǎng)和造就革命事業(yè)的接班人。
　　具備什么條件，才能夠充當無產(chǎn)階級革命事業(yè)的接班人呢？
　　他們必須是真正的馬克思列寧主義者，而不是像赫魯曉夫那樣的掛著馬克思列寧主義招牌的修正主義者。
　　他們必須是全心全意為中國和世界的絕大多數(shù)人服務(wù)的革命者，而不是像赫魯曉夫那樣，在國內(nèi)為一小撮資產(chǎn)階級特權(quán)階層的利益服務(wù)，在國際為帝國主義和反動派的利益服務(wù)。
　　他們必須是能夠團結(jié)絕大多數(shù)人一道工作的無產(chǎn)階級政治家。不但要團結(jié)和自己意見相同的人，而且要善于團結(jié)那些和自己意見不同的人，還要善于團結(jié)那些反對過自己并且已被實踐證明是犯了錯誤的人。但是要特別警惕像赫魯曉夫那樣的個人野心家和陰謀家，防止這樣的壞人篡奪黨和國家的各級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。
　　他們必須是黨的民主集中制的模范執(zhí)行者，必須學會“從群眾中來，到群眾中去”的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法，必須養(yǎng)成善于聽取群眾意見的民主作風。而不能像赫魯曉夫那樣，破壞黨的民主集中制，專橫跋扈，對同志搞突然襲擊，不講道理，實行個人獨裁。
　　他們必須謙虛謹慎，戒驕戒躁，富于自我批評精神，勇于改正自己工作中的缺點和錯誤。而絕不能像赫魯曉夫那樣，文過飾非，把一切功勞歸于自己，把一切錯誤歸于別人。
　　無產(chǎn)階級革命事業(yè)的接班人，是在群眾斗爭中產(chǎn)生的，是在革命大風大浪的鍛煉中成長的。應(yīng)當在長期的群眾斗爭中，考察和識別干部，挑選和培養(yǎng)接班人。
　　In order to guarantee that our Party and country do not change their colour, we must not only have a correct line and correct policies but must train and bring up millions of successors who will carry on the cause of proletarian revolution.
　　In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause of the proletariat is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our Party and state will remain in the hands of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not our descendants will continue to march along the correct road laid down by Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, whether or not we can successfully prevent the emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism in China. In short, it is an extremely important question, a matter of life and death for our Party and our country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the proletarian revolutionary cause for a hundred, a thousand, nay ten thousand years. Basing themselves on the changes in the Soviet Union, the imperialist prophets are pinning their hopes of "peaceful evolution" on the third or fourth generation of the Chinese Party. We must shatter these imperialist prophecies. From our highest organizations down to the grass-roots, we must everywhere give constant attention to the training and upbringing of successors to the revolutionary cause.
　　What are the requirements for worthy successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat?
　　They must be genuine Marxist-Leninists and not revisionists like Khrushchov wearing the cloak of Marxism-Leninism.
　　They must be revolutionaries who wholeheartedly serve the overwhelming majority of the people of China and the whole world, and must not be like Khrushchov who serves both the interests of the handful of members of the privileged bourgeois stratum in his own country and those of foreign imperialism and reaction.
　　They must be proletarian statesmen capable of uniting and working together with the overwhelming majority. Not only must they unite with those who agree with them, they must also be good at uniting with those who disagree and even with those who formerly opposed them and have since been proved wrong in practice. But they must especially watch out for careerists and conspirators like Khrushchov and prevent such bad elements from usurping the leadership of the Party and the state at any level.
　　They must be models in applying the Party's democratic centralism, must master the method of leadership based on the principle of "from the masses, to the masses", and must cultivate a democratic style and be good at listening to the masses. They must not be despotic like Khrushchov and violate the Party's democratic centralism, make surprise attacks on comrades or act arbitrarily and dictatorially.
　　They must be modest and prudent and guard against arrogance and impetuosity; they must be imbued with the spirit of selfcriticism and have the courage to correct mistakes and shortcomings in their work. They must never cover up their errors like Khrushchov, and claim all the credit for themselves and shift all the blame on others.
　　Successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat come forward in mass struggles and are tempered in the great storms of revolution. It is essential to test and judge cadres and choose and train successors in the long course of mass struggle.

　　　　轉(zhuǎn)摘自《關(guān)于赫魯曉夫的假共產(chǎn)主義及其在世界歷史上的教訓》，一九六四年七月十四日《人民日報》
　　　　 Quoted in "On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism and Its Historical Lessons for the World" (July 14,1964), pp. 72-74.*

我們黨的組織要向全國發(fā)展，要自覺地造就成萬數(shù)的干部，要有幾百個最好的群眾領(lǐng)袖。這些干部和領(lǐng)袖懂得馬克思列寧主義，有政治遠見，有工作能力，富于犧牲精神，能獨立解決問題，在困難中不動搖，忠心耿耿地為民族、為階級、為黨而工作。黨依靠著這些人而聯(lián)系黨員和群眾，依靠著這些人對于群眾的堅強領(lǐng)導(dǎo)而達到打倒敵人之目的。這些人不要自私自利，不要個人英雄主義和風頭主義，不要懶惰和消極性，不要自高自大的宗派主義，他們是大公無私的民族的階級的英雄，這就是共產(chǎn)黨員、黨的干部、黨的領(lǐng)袖應(yīng)該有的性格和作風。
　　Our Party organizations must be extended all over the country and we must purposefully train tens of thousands of cadres and hundreds of first-rate mass leaders. They must be cadres and leaders versed in Marxism-Leninism, politically far-sighted, competent in work, full of the spirit of selfsacrifice, capable of tackling problems on their own, steadfast in the midst of difficulties and loyal and devoted in serving the nation, the class and the Party. It is on these cadres and leaders that the Party relies for its links with the membership and the masses, and it is by relying on their firm leadership of the masses that the Party can succeed in defeating the enemy. Such cadres and leaders must be free from selfishness, from individualistic heroism, ostentation, sloth, passivity, and arrogant sectarianism, and they must be selfless national and class heroes; such are the qualities and the style of work demanded of the members, cadres and leaders of our Party.

　　　　《為爭取千百萬群眾進入抗日民族統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線而斗爭》（一九三七年五月七日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二六七——二六八頁
　　　　"Win the Masses in Their Millions for the Anti-Japanese National United Front" (May 7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 291.*

政治路線確定之后，干部就是決定的因素。因此，有計劃地培養(yǎng)大批的新干部。就是我們的戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)。
　　Cadres are a decisive factor, once the political line is determined. Therefore, it is our fighting task to train large numbers of new cadres in a planned way.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一四頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 202.

共產(chǎn)黨的干部政策，應(yīng)是以能否堅決地執(zhí)行黨的路線，服從黨的紀律，和群眾有密切的聯(lián)系，有獨立的工作能力，積極肯干，不謀私利為標準，這就是“任人唯賢”的路線。
　　The criterion the Communist Party should apply in its cadres policy is whether or not a cadre is resolute in carrying out the Party line, keeps to Party discipline, has close ties with the masses, has the ability to find his bearings independently, and is active, hardworking and unselfish. This is what "appointing people on their merit" means.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一五頁
　　　　 Ibid.

必須堅持干部參加集體生產(chǎn)勞動的制度。我們黨和國家的干部是普通勞動者，而不是騎在人民頭上的老爺。干部通過參加集體生產(chǎn)勞動，同勞動人民保持最廣泛的、經(jīng)常的、密切的聯(lián)系。這是社會主義制度下一件帶根本性的大事，它有助于克服官僚主義，防止修正主義和教條主義。
　　It is necessary to maintain the system of cadre participation in collective productive labour. The cadres of our Party and state are ordinary workers and not overlords sitting on the backs of the people. By taking part in collective productive labour, the cadres maintain extensive, constant and close ties with the working people. This is a major measure of fundamental importance for a socialist system; it helps to overcome bureaucracy and to prevent revisionism and dogmatism.

　　　　轉(zhuǎn)摘自《關(guān)于赫魯曉夫的假共產(chǎn)主義及其在世界歷史上的教訓》，一九六四年七月十四日《人民日報》
　　　　 Quoted in "On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism and Its Historical Lessons for the World" (July 14, 1964), pp. 68-69.*

必須善于識別干部。不但要看干部的一時一事，而且要看干部的全部歷史和全部工作，這是識別干部的主要方法。
　　We must know how to judge cadres. We must not confine our judgement to a short period or a single incident in a cadre's life, but should consider his life and work as a whole. This is the principal method of judging cadres.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一五頁
　　　　"The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 202.

必須善于使用干部。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的責任，歸結(jié)起來，主要地是出主意、用干部兩件事。一切計劃、決議、命令、指示等等，都屬于“出主意”一類。使這一切主意見之實行，必須團結(jié)干部，推動他們?nèi)プ�，屬于“用干部”一類�?br> 　　We must, know how to use cadres well. In the final analysis, leadership involves two main responsibilities: to work out ideas, and to use cadres well. Such things as drawing up plans, making decisions, and giving orders and directives, are all in the category of "working out ideas". To put the ideas into practice, we must weld the cadres together and encourage them to go into action; this comes into the category of "using the cadres well".

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一五頁
　　　　"The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 202.

必須善于愛護干部。愛護的辦法是：第一，指導(dǎo)他們。這就是讓他們放手工作，使他們敢于負責；同時，又適時地給以指示，使他們能在黨的政治路線下發(fā)揮其創(chuàng)造性。第二，提高他們。這就是給以學習的機會，教育他們，使他們在理論上在工作能力上提高一步。第三，檢查他們的工作，幫助他們總結(jié)經(jīng)驗，發(fā)揚成績，糾正錯誤。有委托而無檢查，及至犯了嚴重的錯誤，方才加以注意，不是愛護干部的辦法。第四，對于犯錯誤的干部，一般地應(yīng)采取說服的方法。幫助他們改正錯誤。只有對犯了嚴重錯誤而又不接受指導(dǎo)的人們，才應(yīng)當采取斗爭的方法。在這里，耐心是必要的；輕易地給人們戴上“機會主義”的大帽子，輕易地采用“開展斗爭”的方法，是不對的。第五，照顧他們的困難。干部有疾病、生活、家庭等項困難問題者，必須在可能限度內(nèi)用心給以照顧。這些就是愛護干部的方法。
　　We must know how to take good care of cadres. There are several ways of doing so.
First, give them guidance. This means allowing them a free hand in their work so that they have the courage to assume responsibility and, at the same time, giving them timely instructions so that, guided by the Party's political line, they are able to make full use of their initiative.
Second, raise their level. This means educating them by giving them the opportunity to study so that they can enhance their theoretical understanding and their working ability.
Third, check up on their work, and help them sum up their experience, carry forward their achievements and correct their mistakes. To assign work without checking up and to take notice only when serious mistakes are made - that is not the way to take care of cadres.
Fourth, in general, use the method of persuasion with cadres who have made mistakes, and help them correct their mistakes. The method of struggle should be confined to those who make serious mistakes and nevertheless refuse to accept guidance. Here patience is essential. It is wrong lightly to label people "opportunists" or lightly to begin "waging struggles" against them.
Fifth, help them with their difficulties. When cadres are in difficulty as a result of illness, straitened means or domestic or other troubles, we must be sure to give them as much care as possible.
This is how to take good care of cadres.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一五——五一六頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 203.

凡屬真正團結(jié)一致、聯(lián)系群眾的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)骨干，必須是從群眾斗爭中逐漸形成，而不是脫離群眾斗爭所能形成的。在多數(shù)情形下，一個偉大的斗爭過程，其開始階段、中間階段和最后階段的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)骨干，不應(yīng)該是也不可能是完全同一的；必須不斷地提拔在斗爭中產(chǎn)生的積極分子，來替換原有骨干中相形見絀的分子，或腐化了的分子。
　　A leading group that is genuinely united and is linked with the masses can gradually be formed only in the process of mass struggle, and not in isolation from it. In the process of a great struggle, the composition of the leading group in most cases should not and cannot remain entirely unchanged throughout the initial, middle and final stages; the activists who come forward in the course of the struggle must constantly be promoted to replace those original members of the leading group who are inferior by comparison or who have degenerated.

　　　　《關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方法的若干問題》（一九四三年六月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第九零零頁
　　　　 "Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership" (June 1, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 118.*

我們黨如果沒有廣大的新干部同老干部一致合作，我們的事業(yè)就會中斷。所以一切老干部應(yīng)該以極大的熱忱歡迎新干部，關(guān)心新干部。不錯，新干部是有缺點的，他們參加革命還不久，還缺乏經(jīng)驗，他們中的有些人還不免帶來舊社會不良思想的尾巴，這就是小資產(chǎn)階級個人主義思想的殘余。但是這些缺點是可以從教育中從革命鍛煉中逐漸地去掉的。他們的長處，正如斯大林說過的，是對于新鮮事物有銳敏的感覺，因而有高度的熱情和積極性，而在這一點上，有些老干部則正是缺乏的。新老干部應(yīng)該是彼此尊重，互相學習，取長補短，以便團結(jié)一致，進行共同的事業(yè)，而防止宗派主義的傾向。
　　If our Party does not have a great many new cadres working in unity and cooperation with the old cadres, our cause will come to a stop. All old cadres, therefore, should welcome the new ones with the utmost enthusiasm and show them the warmest solicitude. True, new cadres have their shortcomings. They have not been long in the revolution and lack experience, and unavoidably some have brought with them vestiges of the unwholesome ideology of the old society, remnants of the ideology of petty-bourgeois individualism. But such shortcomings can be gradually eliminated through education and tempering in the revolution. The strong point of the new cadres, as Stalin has said, is that they are acutely sensitive to what is new and are therefore enthusiastic and active to a high degree - the very qualities which some of the old cadres lack. Cadres, new and old, should respect each other, learn from each other and overcome their own shortcomings by learning from each other's strong points, so as to unite as one in the common cause and guard against sectarian tendencies.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二六頁
　　　　 "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" (February 1, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 47.

不但要關(guān)心黨的干部，還要關(guān)心非黨的干部。黨外存在著很多的人材，共產(chǎn)黨不能把他們置之度外。去掉孤傲習氣，善于和非黨干部共事，真心誠意地幫助他們，用熱烈的同志的態(tài)度對待他們，把他們的積極性組織到抗日和建國的偉大事業(yè)中去，這是每一個共產(chǎn)黨員的責任。
　　Our concern should extend to non-Party cadres as well as to Party cadres. There are many capable people outside the Party whom we must not ignore. The duty of every Communist is to rid himself of aloofness and arrogance and to work well with non-Party cadres, give them sincere help, have a warm, comradely attitude towards them and enlist their initiative in the great cause of resisting Japan and reconstructing the nation.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五一五頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 202.

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三十、青年
30. YOUTH
　　　　

世界是你們的，也是我們的，但是歸根結(jié)底是你們的。你們青年人朝氣蓬勃，正在興旺時期，好像早晨八、九點鐘的太陽。希望寄托在你們身上。
　　……
　　世界是屬于你們的。中國的前途是屬于你們的。The world is yours, as well as ours, but in the last analysis, it is yours. You young people, full of vigour and vitality, are in the bloom of life, like the sun at eight or nine in the morning. Our hope is placed on you. .... The world belongs to you. China's future belongs to you.

　　　　在莫斯科會見我國留學生和實習生時的談話（一九五七年十一月十七日），《毛主席在蘇聯(lián)的言論》人民日報出版社版第一四——一五頁
　　　　 "Talk at a meeting with Chinese students and trainees in Moscow" (November 17, 1957).

要使全體青年們懂得，我們的國家現(xiàn)在還是一個很窮的國家，并且不可能在短時間內(nèi)根本改變這種狀態(tài)，全靠青年和全體人民在幾十年時間內(nèi)，團結(jié)奮斗，用自己的雙手創(chuàng)造出一個富強的國家。社會主義制度的建立給我們開辟了一條到達理想境界的道路，而理想境界的實現(xiàn)還要靠我們的辛勤勞動。
　　We must help all our young people to understand that ours is still a very poor country, that we cannot change this situation radically in a short time, and that only through the united efforts of our younger generation and all our people, working with their own hands, can China be made strong and prosperous within a period of several decades. The establishment of our socialist system has opened the road leading to the ideal society of the future, but to translate this ideal into reality needs hard work.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第二三頁
　　　　"On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 44-45.

不少青年人由于缺少政治經(jīng)驗和社會生活經(jīng)驗，不善于把舊中國和新中國加以比較，不容易深切了解我國人民曾經(jīng)怎樣經(jīng)歷千辛萬苦的斗爭才擺脫了帝國主義和國民黨反動派的壓迫，而建立一個美好的社會主義社會要經(jīng)過怎樣的長時間的艱苦勞動。因此，需要在群眾中間經(jīng)常進行生動的、切實的政治教育，并且應(yīng)當經(jīng)常把發(fā)生的困難向他們作真實的說明，和他們一起研究如何解決困難的辦法。
　　Because of their lack of political and social experience, quite a number of young people are unable to see the contrast between the old China and the new, and it is not easy for them thoroughly to comprehend the hardships our people went through in the struggle to free themselves from the oppression of the imperialists and Kuomintang reactionaries, or the long period of arduous work needed before a happy socialist society can be established. That is why we must constantly carry on lively and effective political education among the masses and should always tell them the truth about the difficulties that crop up and discuss with them how to surmount these difficulties.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三二——三三頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 63.

青年是整個社會力量中的一部分最積極最有生氣的力量。他們最肯學習，最少保守思想，在社會主義時代尤其是這樣。希望各地的黨組織，協(xié)同青年團組織，注意研究如何特別發(fā)揮青年人的力量，不要將他們一般看待，抹殺了他們的特點。當然青年人必須向老年人和成年人學習，要盡量爭取在老年人和成年人同意之下去做各種有益的活動。
　　The young people are the most active and vital force in society. They are the most eager to learn and the least conservative in their thinking. This is especially so in the era of socialism. We hope that the local Party organizations in various places will help and work with the Youth League organizations and go into the question of bringing into full play the energy of our youth in particular. The Party organizations should not treat them in the same way as everybody else and ignore their special characteristics. Of course, the young people should learn from the old and other adults, and should strive as much as possible to engage in all sorts of useful activities with their agreement.

　　　　《中山縣新平鄉(xiāng)第九農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)合作社的青年突擊隊》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》下冊第九五九頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "A Youth Shock Brigade of the No. 9 Agricultural Producers' Co-operative in Hsinping Township, Chungshan County" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. III.

看一個青年是不是革命的，拿什么做標準呢？拿什么去辨別他呢？只有一個標準，這就是看他愿意不愿意、并且實行不實行和廣大的工農(nóng)群眾結(jié)合在一塊。愿意并且實行和工農(nóng)結(jié)合的，是革命的，否則就是不革命的，或者是反革命的。他今天把自己結(jié)合于工農(nóng)群眾，他今天是革命的；但是如果他明天不去結(jié)合了，或者反過來壓迫老百姓，那就是不革命的，或者是反革命的了。
　　How should we judge whether a youth is a revolutionary? How can we tell? There can only be one criterion, namely, whether or not he is willing to integrate himself with the broad masses of workers and peasants and does so in practice. If he is willing to do so and actually does so, he is a revolutionary; otherwise he is a nonrevolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. If today he integrates himself with the masses of workers and peasants, then today he is a revolutionary; if tomorrow he ceases to do so or turns round to oppress the common people, then he becomes a nonrevolutionary or a counter-revolutionary.

　　　　《青年運動的方向》（一九三九年五月四日），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五五四頁
　　　　 "The Orientation of the Youth Movement" (May 4, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 246.

知識分子在其未和群眾的革命斗爭打成一片，在其未下決心為群眾利益服務(wù)并與群眾相結(jié)合的時候，往往帶有主觀主義和個人主義的傾向，他們的思想往往是空虛的，他們的行動往往是動搖的。因此，中國的廣大的革命知識分子雖然有先鋒的和橋梁的作用，但不是所有這些知識分子都能革命到底的。其中一部分，到了革命的緊急關(guān)頭，就會脫離革命隊伍，采取消極態(tài)度；其中少數(shù)人，就會變成革命的敵人。知識分子的這種缺點，只有在長期的群眾斗爭中才能克服。
　　The intellectuals often tend to be subjective and individualistic, impractical in their thinking and irresolute in action until they have thrown themselves heart and soul into mass revolutionary struggles, or made up their minds to serve the interests of the masses and become one with them. Hence although the mass of revolutionary intellectuals in China can play a vanguard role or serve as a link with the masses, not all of them will remain revolutionaries to the end. Some will drop out of the revolutionary ranks at critical moments and become passive, while a few may even become enemies of the revolution. The intellectuals can overcome their shortcomings only in mass struggles over a long period.

　　　　《中國革命和中國共產(chǎn)黨》（一九三九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六三六頁
　　　　 "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" (December 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 322.*

青年團除了應(yīng)繼續(xù)配合黨的中心工作以外，還要有適合青年特點的獨立工作。新中國要為青年們著想，要關(guān)懷青年一代的成長。青年們要學習，要工作，但青年時期是長身體的時期。因此，要充分兼顧青年的工作、學習和娛樂、體育、休息兩個方面。
　　Apart from continuing to act in co-ordination with the Party in its central task, the Youth League should do its own work to suit the special characteristics of youth. New China must care for her youth and show concern for the growth of the younger generation. Young people have to study and work, but they are at the age of physical growth. Therefore, full attention must be paid both to their work and study and to their recreation, sport and rest.

　　　　在接見青年團第二次全國代表大會主席團時的指示（一九五三年六月三十日），一九五三年七月三日《人民日報》
　　　　 "Talk at the reception for the Presidium of the Second National Congress of the Youth League" (June 30, 1953).

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三十一、婦女
31. WOMEN
　　　　

中國的男子，普通要受三種有系統(tǒng)的權(quán)力（指政權(quán)、族權(quán)、神權(quán)——編者）的支配，……至于女子，除受上述三種權(quán)力的支配以外，還受男子的支配（夫權(quán)）。這四種權(quán)力——政權(quán)、族權(quán)、神權(quán)、夫權(quán)，代表了全部封建宗法的思想和制度，是束縛中國人民特別是農(nóng)民的四條極大的繩索。農(nóng)民在鄉(xiāng)下怎樣推翻地主的政權(quán)，已如前頭所述。地主政權(quán)，是一切權(quán)力的基干。地主政權(quán)既被打翻，族權(quán)、神權(quán)、夫權(quán)便一概跟著動搖起來�！�…夫權(quán)這種東西，自來在貧農(nóng)中就比較地弱一點。因為經(jīng)濟上貧農(nóng)婦女不能不較富有階級的女子多參加勞動，所以她們?nèi)〉脤τ诩沂碌陌l(fā)言權(quán)以至決定權(quán)的是比較多些。至近年，農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟益發(fā)破產(chǎn)，男子控制女子的基本條件，業(yè)已破壞了。最近農(nóng)民運動一起，許多地方，婦女跟著組織了鄉(xiāng)村女界聯(lián)合會，婦女抬頭的機會已到，夫權(quán)便一天一天地動搖起來�？偠�言之，所有一切封建的宗法的思想和制度，都隨著農(nóng)民權(quán)力的升漲而動搖。
　　A man in China is usually subjected to the domination of three systems of authority [political authority, clan authority and religious authority].... As for women, in addition to being dominated by these three systems of authority, they are also dominated by the men (the authority of the husband). These four authorities - political, clan, religious and masculine - are the embodiment of the whole feudal-patriarchal ideology and system, and are the four thick ropes binding the Chinese people, particularly the peasants. How the peasants have overthrown the political authority of the landlords in the countryside has been described above. The political authority of the landlords is the backbone of all the other systems of authority. With that overturned, the clan authority, the religious authority and the authority of the husband all begin to totter.... As to the authority of the husband, this has always been weaker among the poor peasants because, out of economic necessity, their womenfolk have to do more manual labour than the women of the richer classes and therefore have more say and greater power of decision in family matters. With the increasing bankruptcy of the rural economy in recent years, the basis for men's domination over women has already been undermined. With the rise of the peasant movement, the women in many places have now begun to organize rural women's associations; the opportunity has come for them to lift up their heads, and the authority of the husband is getting shakier every day. In a word, the whole feudal-patriarchal ideology and system is tottering with the growth of the peasants' power.

　　　　《湖南農(nóng)民運動考察報告》（一九二七年三月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第三三——三四頁
　　　　 "Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan" (March 1927), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 44-46.*

團結(jié)起來，參加生產(chǎn)和政治活動，改善婦女的經(jīng)濟地位和政治地位。
　　Unite and take part in production and political activity to improve the economic and political status of women.

　　　　為《新中國婦女》雜志的題詞，一九四九年七月二十日《新中國婦女》創(chuàng)刊號
　　　　 Inscription for the magazine "Women of New China", printed in its first issue, July 20, 1949.

要求保護青年、婦女、兒童的利益，救濟失學青年，并使青年、婦女組織起來，以平等地位參加有益于抗日戰(zhàn)爭和社會進步的各項工作，實現(xiàn)婚姻自由，男女平等，使青年和兒童得到有益的學習；……
　　Protect the interests of the youth, women and children - provide assistance to young students who cannot afford to continue their studies, help the youth and women to organize in order to participate on an equal footing in all work useful to the war effort and to social progress, ensure freedom of marriage and equality as between men and women, and give young people and children a useful education....

　　　　《論聯(lián)合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零六五頁
　　　　 "On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 288.*

有組織地調(diào)劑勞動力和推動婦女參加生產(chǎn)，是我們農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)方面的最基本的任務(wù)。
　　[In agricultural production] our fundamental task is to adjust the use of labour power in an organized way and to encourage women to do farm work.

　　　　《我們的經(jīng)濟政策》（一九三四年一月二十三日），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一二六——一二七頁
　　　　 "Our Economic Policy" (January 23, 1934), Selected Works, Vo1. I, p. 142.*

為了建設(shè)偉大的社會主義社會，發(fā)動廣大的婦女群眾參加生產(chǎn)活動，具有極大的意義。在生產(chǎn)中，必須實現(xiàn)男女平等，只有在整個社會的社會主義改造過程中才能實現(xiàn)。
　　In order to build a great socialist society it is of the utmost importance to arouse the broad masses of women to join in productive activity. Men and women must receive equal pay for equal work in production. Genuine equality between the sexes can only be realized in the process of the socialist transformation of society as a whole.

　　　　《婦女走上了勞動戰(zhàn)線》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》上冊第三五七頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "Women Have Gone to the Labour Front" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.

在合作化以后，許多合作社感到勞動力不足了，有必要發(fā)動過去不參加田間勞動的廣大的婦女群眾參加到勞動戰(zhàn)線上去�！�…中國的婦女是一種偉大的人力資源。必須發(fā)掘這種資源，為了建設(shè)一個偉大的社會主義國家而奮斗。
　　With the completion of agricultural cooperation, many co-operatives are finding themselves short of labour. It has become necessary to arouse the great mass of women who did not work in the fields before to take their place on the labour front.... China's women are a vast reserve of labour power. This reserve should be tapped in the struggle to build a great socialist country.

　　　　《發(fā)動婦女投入生產(chǎn)，解決了勞動力不足的困難》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》中冊第六七四——六七五頁
　　　　 Introductory note to "Solving the Labour Shortage by Arousing the Women to Join in Production" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.

使全部婦女勞動力，在同工同酬的原則下，一律參加到勞動戰(zhàn)線上去，這個要求，應(yīng)當在盡可能短的時間內(nèi)，予以實現(xiàn)。
　　Enable every woman who can work to take her place on the labour front, under the principle of equal pay for equal work. This should be done as quickly as possible.

　　　　《邢臺縣民主婦女聯(lián)合會關(guān)于發(fā)展農(nóng)業(yè)合作化運動中婦女工作的規(guī)劃》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農(nóng)村的社會主義高潮》上冊第六六頁
　　　　

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三十二、文化藝術(shù)
32. CULTURE AND ART
　　　　

在現(xiàn)在世界上，一切文化或文學藝術(shù)都是屬于一定的階級，屬于一定的政治路線的。為藝術(shù)的藝術(shù)，超階級的藝術(shù)，和政治并行或互相獨立的藝術(shù)，實際上是不存在的。無產(chǎn)階級的文學藝術(shù)是無產(chǎn)階級整個革命事業(yè)的一部分，如同列寧所說，是整個革命機器中的“齒輪和螺絲釘”。
　　In the world today all culture, all literature and art belong to definite classes and are geared to definite political lines. There is in fact no such thing as art for art's sake, art that stands above classes, art that is detached from or independent of politics. Proletarian literature and art are part of the whole proletarian revolutionary cause; they are, as Lenin said, cogs and wheels in the whole revolutionary machine.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八六七頁
　　　　 "Talks at the Yen'an Forum on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 86.*

革命文化，對于人民大眾，是革命的有力武器。革命文化，在革命前，是革命的思想準備；在革命中，是革命總戰(zhàn)線中的一條必要和重要的戰(zhàn)線。
　　Revolutionary culture is a powerful revolutionary weapon for the broad masses of the people. It prepares the ground ideologically before the revolution comes and is an important, indeed essential, fighting front in the general revolutionary front during the revolution.

　　　　《新民主主義論》（一九四零年一月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第七零一頁
　　　　 "On New Democracy" (January 1940), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 382.

我們的文學藝術(shù)都是為人民大眾的，首先是為工農(nóng)兵的，為工農(nóng)兵而創(chuàng)作，為工農(nóng)兵所利用的。
　　All our literature and art are for the masses of the people, and in the first place for the workers, peasants and soldiers; they are created for the workers, peasants and soldiers and are for their use.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八六五頁
　　　　 "Talks at the Yen'an Forum on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 84.*

我們的文藝工作者一定要完成這個任務(wù)，一定要把立足點移過來，一定要在深入工農(nóng)兵群眾、深入實際斗爭的過程中，在學習馬克思主義和學習社會的過程中，逐漸地移過來，移到工農(nóng)兵這方面來，移到無產(chǎn)階級這方面來。只有這樣，我們才能有真正為工農(nóng)兵的文藝，真正無產(chǎn)階級的文藝。
　　Our literary and art workers must accomplish this task and shift their stand; they must gradually move their feet over to the side of the workers, peasants and soldiers, to the side of the proletariat, through the process of going into their very midst and into the thick of practical struggles and through the process of studying Marxism and society. Only in this way can we have a literature and art that are truly for the workers, peasants and soldiers, a truly proletarian literature and art.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八五九頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 78.

要使文藝很好地成為整個革命機器的一個組成部分，作為團結(jié)人民、教育人民、打擊敵人、消滅敵人的有力的武器，幫助人民同心同德地和敵人作斗爭。
　　[Our purpose is] to ensure that literature and art fit well into the whole revolutionary machine as a component part, that they operate as powerful weapons for uniting and educating the people and for attacking and destroying the enemy, and that they help the people fight the enemy with one heart and one mind.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八五零頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 70.

文藝批評有兩個標準，一個是政治標準，一個是藝術(shù)標準�！�…

　　又是政治標準，又是藝術(shù)標準，這兩者的關(guān)系怎么樣呢？政治并不等于藝術(shù)，一般的宇宙觀也并不等于藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作和藝術(shù)批評的方法。我們不但否認抽象的絕對不變的政治標準，也否認抽象的絕對不變的藝術(shù)標準，各個階級社會中的各個階級都有不同的政治標準和不同的藝術(shù)標準。但是任何階級社會中的任何階級，總是以政治標準放在第一位，以藝術(shù)標準放在第二位的�！�…我們的要求則是政治和藝術(shù)的統(tǒng)一，內(nèi)容和形式的統(tǒng)一，革命的政治內(nèi)容和盡可能完美的藝術(shù)形式的統(tǒng)一。缺乏藝術(shù)性的藝術(shù)品，無論政治上怎樣進步，也是沒有力量的。因此，我們既反對政治觀點錯誤的藝術(shù)品，也反對只有正確的政治觀點而沒有藝術(shù)力量的所謂“標語口號式”的傾向。我們應(yīng)該進行文藝問題上的兩條戰(zhàn)線斗爭。
　　In literary and art criticism there are two criteria, the political and the artistic.…
There is the political criterion and there is the artistic criterion; what is the relationship between the two? Politics cannot be equated with art, nor can a general world outlook be equated with a method of artistic creation and criticism. We deny not only that there is an abstract and absolutely unchangeable political criterion, but also that there is an abstract and absolutely unchangeable artistic criterion; each class in every class society has its own political and artistic criteria. But all classes in all class societies invariably put the political criterion first and the artistic criterion second.… What we demand is the unity of politics and art, the unity of content and form, the unity of revolutionary political content and the highest possible perfection of artistic form. Works of art which lack artistic quality have no force, however progressive they are politically. Therefore, we oppose both works of art with a wrong political viewpoint and the tendency towards the "poster and slogan style" which is correct in political viewpoint but lacking in artistic power. On questions of literature and art we must carry on a struggle on two fronts.

　　　　《在延安文藝座談會上的講話》（一九四二年五月），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八六九——八七一頁
　　　　 Ibid., pp. 88-90.*

百花齊放、百家爭鳴的方針，是促進藝術(shù)發(fā)展和科學進步的方針，是促進我國的社會主義文化繁榮的方針。藝術(shù)上不同的形式和風格可以自由發(fā)展，科學上不同的學派可以自由爭論。利用行政力量，強制推行一種風格，一種學派，禁止另一種風格，另一種學派，我們認為會有害于藝術(shù)和科學的發(fā)展。藝術(shù)和科學中的是非問題，應(yīng)當通過藝術(shù)界科學界的自由討論去解決，通過藝術(shù)和科學的實踐去解決，而不應(yīng)當采取簡單的方法去解決。
　　Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting the progress of the arts and the sciences and a flourishing socialist culture in our land. Different forms and styles in art should develop freely and different schools in science should contend freely. We think that it is harmful to the growth of art and science if administrative measures are used to impose one particular style of art or school of thought and to ban another. Questions of right and wrong in the arts and sciences should be settled through free discussion in artistic and scientific circles and through practical work in these fields. They should not be settled in summary fashion.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第二五——二六頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 49-50.

沒有文化的軍隊是愚蠢的軍隊，而愚蠢的軍隊是不能戰(zhàn)勝敵人的。
　　An army without culture is a dull-witted army, and a dull-witted army cannot defeat the enemy.

　　　　《文化工作中的統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線》（一九四四年十月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零零九頁
　　　　 "The United Front in Cultural Work" (October 30, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 235.

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三十三、學習
33. STUDY
　　　　

要把一個落后的農(nóng)業(yè)的中國改變成為一個先進的工業(yè)化的中國，我們面前的工作是很艱苦的，我們的經(jīng)驗是很不夠的。因此，必須善于學習。
　　In transforming a backward agricultural China into an advanced industrialized country, we are confronted with arduous tasks and our experience is far from adequate. So we must be good at learning.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會開幕詞》（一九五六年九月十五日），《中國共產(chǎn)黨第八次全國代表大會文獻》第九頁
　　　　 "Opening Address at the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China" (September 15, 1956).

情況是在不斷地變化，要使自己的思想適應(yīng)新的情況，就得學習。即使是對于馬克思主義已經(jīng)了解得比較多的人，無產(chǎn)階級立場比較堅定的人，也還是要再學習，要接受新事物，要研究新問題。
　　Conditions are changing all the time, and to adapt one's thinking to the new conditions, one must study. Even those who have a better grasp of Marxism and are comparatively firm in their proletarian stand have to go on studying, have to absorb what is new and study new problems.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第七頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 8.*

我們能夠?qū)W會我們原來不懂的東西。我們不但善于破壞一個舊世界，我們還將善于建設(shè)一個新世界。
　　We can learn what we did not know. We are not only good at destroying the old world, we are also good at building the new.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨第七屆中央委員會第二次全體會議上的報告》（一九四九年三月五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四四零頁
　　　　 "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374.

學習有兩種態(tài)度。一種是教條主義的態(tài)度，不管我國情況，適用的和不適用的，一起搬來。這種態(tài)度不好。另一種態(tài)度，學習的時候用腦筋想一下，學那些和我國情況相適合的東西，即吸取對我們有益的經(jīng)驗，我們需要的是這樣一種態(tài)度。
　　Now, there are two different attitudes towards learning from others. One is the dogmatic attitude of transplanting everything, whether or not it is suited to our conditions. This is no good. The other attitude is to use our heads and learn those things which suit our conditions, that is, to absorb whatever experience is useful to us. That is the attitude we should adopt.

　　　　《關(guān)于正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三八頁
　　　　 "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 75.

馬克思、恩格斯、列寧、斯大林的理論，是“放之四海而皆準”的理論。不應(yīng)當把他們的理論當作教條看待，而應(yīng)當看作行動的指南。不應(yīng)當只是學習馬克思列寧主義的詞句，而應(yīng)當把它當成革命的科學來學習。不但應(yīng)當了解馬克思、恩格斯、列寧、斯大林他們研究廣泛的真實生活和革命經(jīng)驗所得出的關(guān)于一般規(guī)律的結(jié)論，而且應(yīng)當學習他們觀察問題和解決問題的立場和方法。
　　The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as a dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution. It is not just a matter of understanding the general laws derived by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin from their extensive study of real life and revolutionary experience, but of studying their standpoint and method in examining and solving problems.

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五二一頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 208-09.

如果有了正確的理論，只是把它空談一陣，束之高閣，并不實行，那末，這種理論再好也是沒有意義的。
　　If we have a correct theory but merely prate about it, pigeonhole it and do not put it into practice, then that theory, however good, is of no significance.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月）《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二八一頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 304.

對于馬克思主義的理論，要能夠精通它、應(yīng)用它，精通的目的全在于應(yīng)用。如果你能應(yīng)用馬克思列寧主義的觀點，說明一個兩個實際問題，那就要受到稱贊，就算有了幾分成績。被你說明的東西越多，越普遍，越深刻，你的成績就越大。
　　It is necessary to master Marxist theory and apply it, master it for the sole purpose of applying it. If you can apply the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint in elucidating one or two practical problems, you should be commended and credited with some achievement. The more problems you elucidate and the more comprehensively and profoundly you do so, the greater will be your achievement.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八一七頁
　　　　 "Rectify the Party's Style of Work" (February 1, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 38.

馬克思列寧主義理論和中國革命實際，怎樣互相聯(lián)系呢？拿一句通俗的話來講，就是“有的放矢”�！笆浮本褪羌�，“的”就是靶，放箭要對準靶。馬克思列寧主義和中國革命的關(guān)系，就是箭和靶的關(guān)系。有些同志卻在那里“無的放矢”，亂放一通，這樣的人就容易把革命弄壞。
　　How is Marxist-Leninist theory to be linked with the practice of the Chinese revolution? To use a common expression, it is by "shooting the arrow at the target". As the arrow is to the target, so is Marxism-Leninism to the Chinese revolution. Some comrades, however, are "shooting without a target", shooting at random, and such people are liable to harm the revolution.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二一頁
　　　　Ibid., p. 42.

有工作經(jīng)驗的人，要向理論方面學習，要認真讀書，然后才可以使經(jīng)驗帶上條理性、綜合性，上升成為理論，然后才可以不把局部經(jīng)驗誤認為即是普遍真理，才可不犯經(jīng)驗主義的錯誤。
　　Those experienced in work must take up the study of theory and must read seriously; only then will they be able to systematize and synthesize their experience and raise it to the level of theory, only then will they not mistake their partial experience for universal truth and not commit empiricist errors.

　　　　《整頓黨的作風》（一九四二年二月一日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第八二零頁
　　　　 Ibid.

讀書是學習，使用也是學習，而且是更重要的學習。從戰(zhàn)爭學習戰(zhàn)爭——這是我們的主要方法。沒有進學校機會的人仍然可以學習戰(zhàn)爭，就是從戰(zhàn)爭中學習。革命戰(zhàn)爭是民眾的事，常常不是先學好了再干，而是干起來再學習，干就是學習。
　　Reading is learning, but applying is also learning and the more important kind of learning at that. Our chief method is to learn warfare through warfare. A person who has had no opportunity to go to school can also learn warfare - he can learn through fighting in war. A revolutionary war is a mass undertaking; it is often not a matter of first learning and then doing, but of doing and then learning, for doing is itself learning.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一七四頁
　　　　 "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 189-90.

從“老百姓”到軍人之間有一個距離，但不是萬里長城，而是可以迅速地消滅的，干革命，干戰(zhàn)爭，就是消滅這個距離的方法。說學習和使用不容易，是說學得徹底，用得純熟不容易。說老百姓很快可以變成軍人，是說此門并不難入。把二者總合起來，用得著中國一句老話：“世上無難事，只怕有心人�！比腴T既不難，深造也是辦得到的，只要有心，只要善于學習罷了。
　　There is a gap between the ordinary civilian and the soldier, but it is no Great Wall, and it can be quickly closed, and the way to close it is to take part in revolution, in war. By saying that it is not easy to learn and to apply, we mean that it is hard to learn thoroughly and to apply skillfully. By saying that civilians can very quickly become soldiers, we mean that it is not difficult to cross the threshold. To put the two statements together, we may cite the Chinese adage, "Nothing in the world is difficult for one who sets his mind to it." To cross the threshold is not difficult, and mastery, too, is possible provided one sets one's mind to the task and is good at learning.

　　　　《中國革命戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略問題》（一九三六年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第一七四——一七五頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 190.

我們必須向一切內(nèi)行的人們（不管什么人）學經(jīng)濟工作。拜他們做老師，恭恭敬敬地學，老老實實地學。不懂就是不懂，不要裝懂。
　　We must learn to do economic work from all who know how, no matter who they are. We must esteem them as teachers, learning from them respectfully and conscientiously. We must not pretend to know when we do not know.

　　　　《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八五頁
　　　　 "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 423.

知識的問題是一個科學問題，來不得半點的虛偽和驕傲，決定地需要的倒是其反面——誠實和謙遜的態(tài)度。
　　Knowledge is a matter of science, and no dishonesty or conceit whatsoever is permissible. What is required is definitely the reverse - honesty and modesty.

　　　　《實踐論》（一九三七年七月），《毛澤東選集》第一卷第二七六頁
　　　　 "On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 300.

學習的敵人是自己的滿足，要認真學習一點東西，必須從不自滿開始。對自己，“學而不厭”，對人家，“誨人不倦”，我們應(yīng)取這種態(tài)度。
　　Complacency is the enemy of study. We cannot really learn anything until we rid ourselves of complacency. Our attitude towards ourselves should be "to be insatiable in learning" and towards others "to be tireless in teaching".

　　　　《中國共產(chǎn)黨在民族戰(zhàn)爭中的地位》（一九三八年十月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第五二三頁
　　　　 "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 210.

有些人讀了一些馬克思主義的書，自以為有學問了，但是并沒有讀進去，并沒有在頭腦里生根，不會應(yīng)用，階級感情還是舊的。還有一些人很驕傲，讀了幾句書，自以為了不起，尾巴翹到天上去了，可是一遇風浪，他們的立場，比起工人和大多數(shù)勞動農(nóng)民來，就顯得大不相同。前者動搖，后者堅定，前者曖昧，后者明朗。
　　Some people have read a few Marxist books and think themselves quite learned but what they have read has not penetrated, has not struck root in their minds, so that they do not know how to use it and their class feelings remain as of old. Others are very conceited and having learned some book-phrases, think themselves terrific and are very cocky; but whenever a storm blows up, they take a stand very different from that of the workers and the majority of the peasants. They waver while the latter stand firm, they equivocate while the latter are forthright.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第六頁
　　　　 "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 7-8.

學習馬克思主義，不但要從書本上學，主要地還要通過階級斗爭、工作實踐和接近工農(nóng)群眾，才能真正學到。如果我們的知識分子讀了一些馬克思主義的書，又在同工農(nóng)群眾的接近中，在自己的工作實踐中有所了解，那末，我們大家就有了共同的語言，不僅有愛國主義方面的共同語言、社會主義制度方面的共同語言，而且還可以有共產(chǎn)主義世界觀方面的共同語言。如果這樣，大家的工作就一定會做得好得多。
　　In order to have a real grasp of Marxism, one must learn it not only from books, but mainly through class struggle, through practical work and close contact with the masses of workers and peasants. When in addition to reading some Marxist books our intellectuals have gained some understanding through close contact with the masses of workers and peasants and through their own practical work, we will all be speaking the same language, not only the common language of patriotism and the common language of the socialist system, but probably even the common language of the communist world outlook. If that happens, all of us will certainly work much better.

　　　　《在中國共產(chǎn)黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第九——一零頁
　　　　 Ibid., p. 12.

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